FOR A POLICY OF OPPOSITION
(between sunset and the dissolution of Berlusconi in Italy)
Badiale Marino, Massimo Bontempelli
The coup Berlusconi has already begun. Berlusconi has only been in recent months in the same position it was in Mussolini in 1924, following the murder Matteotti, with the scandal and the start of erosion of his power that followed: in the situation, that is, having to choose between the political and personal ruin and the destruction of democratic norms for the establishment of a despotic power. Berlusconi as Mussolini in '24, chose the second way.
The similarities end there of course. The outcome of a coup d'etat of Berlusconi would be very different from that of Mussolini.
To understand this point, it should take what we wrote in
" A sunset dangerous " sulla natura del blocco sociale che sostiene Berlusconi. Si tratta di un arcipelago di feudi di potere economico, politico e criminale: per dirla con una parola divenuta corrente, di cricche. Da un simile blocco sociale non può nascere un totalitarismo di Stato, ma soltanto un illegalismo dell'arbitrio, volta a volta condizionato e necessitato dai rapporti di potere tra le cricche (il totale arbitrio, infatti, non è affatto libertà, ma, come è dimostrato dalla logica hegeliana, coincide con la totale necessità). In questa situazione si manifestano due linee di forza, una a favore di Berlusconi e una contraria.
A favore di Berlusconi giocano elementi noti a tutti: il suo potere mediatico in un'epoca in which mental and behavioral models are increasingly home television, and his ability to communicate in relation to an ever wider public vulgarized. Besides this, we can see that his business empire is itself one of the cracks, even the main crack. This is a really big business that generates itself and not just profits for Berlusconi, but also for a large part of the diverse world of business that supports it. Each of the feuds of this group know their fate, if Berlusconi were to fall, you fall with him, and this all leads to a certain compact support that.
Against Berlusconi is the fact that this same archipelago, che ha in lui l'unico collante, è messo oggi in difficoltà in primo luogo dall'impossibilità di una crescita continua della spesa clientelare-affaristico-mafiosa quale sarebbe necessaria per alimentare l'insieme dei feudi economici che a lui fanno capo, sempre più numerosi e avidi, e in secondo luogo dalla mancanza al suo interno di qualsiasi tipo di unità o solidarietà di tipo ideologico o culturale. Il fatto che la spesa possibile è oggi inferiore a quanto necessario al sostentamento delle cricche, e il fatto che manchi una minima solidarietà, rende la compattezza del sostegno a Berlusconi meno forte di quanto possa sembrare. Di fronte alla crisi del suo potere, ciascuno calcola se sia più conveniente sostenerlo o riciclarsi con altri. Ma poiché non c'è spazio per tutti, il riciclaggio funzionerà solo per pochi, per quelli che riusciranno a cambiare casacca al momento giusto: né troppo presto, come hanno fatto i finiani che stanno tornando alla casa madre, né troppo tardi, quando ormai non ci sarà più spazio per loro.
Per contrastare la tendenza, a lui sfavorevole, allo smottamento della sua base di sostegno, Berlusconi non ha altra scelta che quella di un colpo di Stato. Non si deve però pensare ai carri armati che presidiano il parlamento e la televisione. Il colpo di Stato berlusconiano consiste nell'uso della maggioranza parlamentare per stravolgere ogni regola costituzionale.
Questo colpo di Stato, come si è detto, è already underway. His first act was when Berlusconi last fall, we are no longer limited to protect themselves from the processes that affect prevented by all the tricks possible, but declared liable to punishment judges who dare to investigate. From here refused all audit rules that the Constitution provides. He called for a vote in Parliament to establish that the prosecutor in Milan is not competent to judge the type of crime he committed. In this way the House has given a decision on the legal nature of a crime committed, that the Constitution precludes the legislature may lie. Such a vote of Parliament and then targeted the elimination of the constitutional division of powers, and thereby to the creation of arbitrary power.
The next steps in which Berlusconi aims to complete the coup are elections that enable a wide majority, then the use of this majority to get elected President of the Republic, then the appointment by the President of the Republic of judges of the Court Constitutional obedient to him. In this way, Berlusconi could pass any law, even the most unconstitutional, without even need a formal change of the Constitution (in partial analogy with Nazi Germany, which as we know never did not abolish the Weimar Constitution).
In this situation there are three possible scenarios: the continuation of the Berlusconi government through the success of his coup, elections resulted in a stalemate, by which we decide the success or failure of the coup, and finally, the fall of Berlusconi by the mistrust of the parliamentary majority, resulting in formation of a transitional government.
The first scenario is the least likely in our opinion, because we believe that the political and parliamentary bloc that supports the Berlusconi government, is less solid than it appears when we write these lines (beginning March 2011). The economic crisis makes it necessary choices increasingly drastic reduction of public spending, to the detriment of the system of cracks, and this will exacerbate their competitions, with the effects of disintegration of the unity of their political expressions.
The second scenario is unlikely in our view, because the elections would create a long period of instability that the ruling classes do not want. The same members also shun the idea of \u200b\u200bhaving to again contend for their comfortable seats.
leaves the third scenario, which we believe is the most likely, for the very reasons that make it less likely the other two.
The fundamental question that these scenarios pose is very simple: the forces that intend to fight the system that brought Italy to the ruin, must, in order to avoid the abyss of the country has increased, yet, first commit to the failure of the coup plan Berlusconi allying with anyone who can fight, and after referring to Berlusconi any other questions, or need to develop their political and social opposition against the whole of the ruling classes? If you answer that the fall is a priority of Berlusconi, the consequence is that the political alliance with all forces not Berlusconi, the center-left, the center-center Casini and Rutelli, the Finian; to the social defer for the moment to the social conflict with that part of the dominant classes that opposes Berlusconi.
We consider this strategy radically wrong, not for the sake of extremism, because, indeed, you will feel good any compromise that reduced the soil from which sprouted the Berlusconi, but because we believe that the current forces of parliamentary opposition to Berlusconi, and their economic and social contacts, not do this only to widen the ground.
not reflected enough on the fact that in the last twenty years all the times that the left has governed or influenced the country's government, subsequent elections were won by Berlusconi.
There are so desperate that signals start coming from the best forces of the country facing the prospect of early elections: Paolo Flores D'Arcais who converts to the need antiberlusconiana of a grand coalition, Marco Travaglio praising Nichi Vendola for Rosy Bindi proposed as a candidate alternative to Berlusconi, Barbara Spinelli finds some positive aspects in the person of Romano Prodi.
We would like to think about these things rationally, soberly. Berlusconi has emerged as ruler of the Italian political scene from the mud of a country's social and cultural life without hope, without culture, without more memory, a coarsening of his ideas and his behavior. The fundamental question is whether a government other than that of Berlusconi begins to drain this slime, or, instead, keep alive the degenerative processes that widen. In the latter case, characters privi della rozzezza e della cialtroneria di Berlusconi, non farebbero che preparare il terreno al successo, con un altro protagonista, dello stesso colpo di Stato non riuscito a Berlusconi.
Ragioniamo, per capirci, su quali siano i problemi irrisolti che generano la melma sociale e culturale di cui si è detto.
C'è il terribile problema del lavoro senza valore. Lavoro senza valore vuol dire che la sua remunerazione è stata ridotta a vantaggio dei profitti, delle rendite, e di fasce ristrette e privilegiate del lavoro stesso (si pensi agli scandalosi compensi di manager, divi della televisione e del cinema, calciatori di successo, professionisti di spicco). Vuol dire che è stato privato di diritti al punto da tollerare che esso produca daily deaths and injuries, in the absence of serious forms of control and punishment of those responsible for these massacres. It means that employment is no longer an objective of economic policy of the States, even it means that workers are unprotected against actual fraud by employers. If the job is no longer valid and working skills no longer generate social consideration, is not that money as a regulator of social relations and roles here is a slime from which sprouted the Berlusconi.
There is the problem of widespread corruption that has destroyed any ethic group. It failed in this way, the sense of community belonging that defines rights in terms of objective tolerably e doveri: ecco un'altra melma da cui è germinato il berlusconismo.
Il lavoro senza valore, la corruzione, la riduzione del personale pubblico in tutti i settori, anche i più utili, e la nuova economia globalizzata e speculativa, hanno chiuso ogni prospettiva alla gioventù italiana. O, meglio, l'hanno divisa in due settori: una minoranza di raccomandati e di figli di papà, che trova senza difficoltà posti e redditi anche in mancanza di qualsiasi competenza e merito, e una maggioranza per la quale qualunque formazione culturale e professionale non serve ad un inserimento stabile nella società lavorativa.
Questi giovani passano da un contratto precario ad un altro, non vedono mai valorizzati i loro talenti, sono illusi with stage used to get them temporary work is not paid, unpaid internships are aimed at that in eight out of ten cases did not result in a regular job. A youth left in this vacuum is another degrading slime from which sprouted the Berlusconi.
Then there is the terrible problem of the environment without protection: it is now the flood of waste and threaten the life, these are the agents of production that pollute air, water and soil, it is the consumer land that has produced the hydrogeological. This transmits environmental ruin, even physically, the image of a devalued and degraded public space and private space as an area to be defended by any means to be able to develop their own existence. Here is another slime from which sprouted the Berlusconi.
There are equally dramatic problems of poverty that now affects millions of people, conducted in an insane immigration, control of large areas by organized crime, justice placed in a condition not work.
analyzing these problems, we could easily demonstrate how the forces of the parliamentary opposition to Berlusconi are not say structurally unsuitable to solve them, but even to begin to address them. Before
commend the candidacy of Rosy Bindi rationally you should ask the following question: a center-left government led by Rosy Bindi, and perhaps extended to all so-called radical left, would be able to address some of these problems? A return value and dignity seriously at work? To return a future for young people? To protect the environment and ribonificarlo? And so on.
We are ready to demonstrate analytically that this is not possible. Moreover, in the past no center-left government has dealt with these problems, and this should also put some flea in his ear to those who call for a parliamentary coalition antiberlusconiana.
All the negative trends of the last twenty years (increasingly protracted process, widening income disparities, the progression of environmental degradation, etc.) maintained same evolutionary line regardless of the color of the governments of the country. The same disconcerting ineffectiveness of the opposition made by Berlusconi's center-left is a sign that opponents are rooted in the same soil in which the sinking Berlusconi.
The coalition of forces that will overthrow Berlusconi is entirely internal to the very reality which has enabled the success of Berlusconi. Therefore, there is no hope that it will be a contrast to the processes of dissolution of the country. The problems facing Italy will not even be addressed, the feuds criminals will not be thwarted, and this will lead to power after a short time some other character, maybe personally very different from Berlusconi, but he's very similar in function and adhesive protector of the interests of cracks. Among these interests is essentially the coup that Berlusconi is in these trying days. Coup, we repeat, that does not consist in the tanks on the streets or by military invasion of the Parliament, but the suspension for the use of the powerful, all control of any rule of law and institutions, namely in the establishment of ' arbitrariness of the powerful as a fundamental principle of the "material constitution" of the country. As the cracks of this world needs, if not opposed and defeated play some other character that will cover this need.
The main limitation that prevents me from catching the real issue is the inability to see how certain choices that have immediate advantages, however, are fraught with danger in the medium and long term.
So when the leaders of German Social Democracy in 1914 support the choice of war do so in response to very specific factors: on the one hand their opposition to the war would have led to a crackdown in which they knew the party was not ready, by 'the other one might have thought that supporting the war could lead to a substantial legitimacy of the socialist movement. It was considerations of short breath, swept away by the unexpected war has proved a vastly more destructive of human lives and wealth, as could be imagined.
Similarly, the choice of the leadership of the PCI in the mid-twenties to side wholeheartedly with the Soviet Union and its Stalinist direction obviously had good reasons in the immediate: the PCI was a small party at home and persecuted , supporting the USSR could be seen as the only way to survive. But if this approach has paid in the short term, medium and long proved to bankruptcy because it has prevented the PCI to be able to seriously compete for the country's government during the Cold War, and dragged the PCI to dissolution by the end USSR. At
stesso modo, la scelta di appoggiare una eventuale “grande coalizione” antiberlusconiana avrebbe certo, per le deboli forze antisistemiche, dei vantaggi immediati: in primo luogo la cacciata di Berlusconi, che sarebbe certo una cosa positiva, in secondo luogo, forse, una momentanea possibilità di accesso ai media antiberlusconiani, che in una fase di scontro acuto, sarebbero portati a valorizzare ogni voce che fosse possibile reclutare. Ma questi vantaggi immediati sarebbero ben presto surclassati dagli effetti negativi di una simile scelta. Appiattendosi sulla “grande coalizione” antiberlusconiana le forze antisistemiche perderebbero in realtà ogni possibilità di far vivere la propria diversità, e di far generare da this diversity in the future, some important political effect.
The only hope of preventing the deterioration of social and civil life of our country's intransigence opposition to the whole political class (right, center and left), who is responsible for the degradation of the whole of Italy, the whole is corrupt , whole violates the constitution (by the support from the common to the Italian participation in the war in Afghanistan).
Such opposition must have the key points of reference to the Constitution of the Italian Republic, the rights and incomes of workers and lower classes, an economic model that leaves the bond of growth (a growth that is only now radically destructive in nature and society), the rejection of wars of aggression.
The proposed policy to do all the outside forces of caste politics and who recognize in these principles, we believe that to create a united front that is able to conduct joint actions and participate in competitions to bring the opposition in electoral institutions.
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