; COMES FROM LIBYA A CRY OF FREEDOM '
; Farid Adly
Dear readers, continue subscribe to the poster! Dear fellow poster, editors and readers, I disagree with you on some positions, but I continue to read and defend (what little I can do) the manifest. The ideas have been advanced by Rossanda, Castellina, Parliament and Francis are sacrosanct, but lacking in one thing: do not give the Libyan issue in its historical context.
would be a discussion on advanced and profound doubts and shadows, if there was an ongoing tragedy of a people being killed every day in the Libyan city squares and squares of business in the industrialized world.
Quote of the company, talking ' are and will remain a staunch admirer of Colonel Gaddafi " (Il Sole-24 Ore on 02/18/2011, then repeated on the pages of the manifest ten days later) it hurts a lot to those who - like me - has lost its freedom because of the tyrant. How many items I had to sign the manifest differently, to avoid a crackdown against my family.
First, the current one is not a civil war, it will become in the future, but is now a popular resistance against a tyrant, his family, the militias and mercenaries.
is comparable to the Italian resistance against Mussolini's fascism. The question of the flag hoisted on the liberated areas, proposed by Manlio Dinucci, that independence is not a sign of returning to the past. That bandiera non è certo proprietà dell’ex re Idriss o della confraternita senussita. (A proposito, non ho capito il riferimento del compagno Parlato all’asserito antisemitismo di Idriss. Essere anti-sionisti non è necessariamente antisemitismo. Vi ricordo che prima dell’occupazione della Palestina, tra i vari progetti per creare Israele, nella prima metà del Novecento, la Cirenaica era uno dei luoghi proposti. Essere contrari a quei propositi non è certo antisemitismo). Io avrei usato la bandiera rossa, ma io e la mia generazione non contiamo nulla in questa rivoluzione. La corrente monarchica nell’opposizione è assolutamente minoritaria e lo sbandierare di quel tricolore, con stella e mezzaluna in bianco non è an attachment to the past but a clear rejection of the regime.
based on this a criticism of young Libyans who faced bare-chested anti-tank guns of militias and mercenaries of Gaddafi, is a ingenerosità disarming. It is not denied here that there are international plans to get their hands on oil in Libya, but Libyan revolution of February 17, 2011 is led by puppets of imperialism, but by young people and Democrats who have a history in the country.
The fall of the wall of fear, following the experiences of Tunisia and Egypt, led them to raise their heads against tyranny. If we do not at the center of this cry of freedom that comes from below, it would understand nulla dei moti di rivolta che stanno caratterizzando la lotta dei paesi arabi contro le cariatidi al potere da troppi anni.
La seconda questione riguarda il Gheddafi socialista. Le tesi sul cosiddetto socialismo arabo hanno imperversato negli anni Cinquanta e Sessanta, al momento del riscatto nasserian-baathista di Egitto e Iraq. Interessanti esperienze di borghesia nazionale del sud del mondo, che sono state, solo per necessità, anti-imperialiste nella prima fase del loro sviluppo. In Iraq, Egitto e Siria di quegli anni i comunisti e i socialisti sinceri sono stati perseguitati e repressi. Quelle esperienze di colpi di stato hanno dato molti frutti positivi sul piano sociale, ma solo nella prima fase del loro sviluppo. La tendenza verticistica e la mancanza di una democratic legitimacy on the one hand, and attack the Western allies of Israel on the other (the Suez War in 1956 and that of June 5, 1967) have made these new schemes of military elites that have nothing to do with the idea a just distribution of national wealth and the social and cultural development of the human basis of all social experience.
Gaddafi arrives later, in 1969. The "thrust" of the military coup against the old King Idris, in the words Berlinguer, it's over very soon. Already in 1973 the Free Officers revolution there was nothing, if not the ruthless repression of any dissent.
Forks University, l’allontanamento dei compagni d’armi, la cancellazione di ogni forma d’opposizione, il divieto dei sindacati, l’annullamento di ogni azione indipendente della società civile, l’uccisione degli oppositori all’estero (l’Italia è stata un teatro prediletto per azioni terroristiche) e le operazioni militari contro civili che protestavano pacificamente contro le volontà del tiranno (anni ’80 e ’90 a Derna e Bengasi…), il massacro di Abu Selim (26 giugno 1996), sono esempi di questo dominio di una nuova classe dirigente che si è ridotta di fatto alla famiglia di Gheddafi e a una piccola cerchia di suoi seguaci.
La corruzione imperante e il dominio totale dei servizi secrets about the everyday lives of citizens are the basis of a regime that has squandered the wealth of the country to build a modern Libya able to create jobs and prosperity for the people, but to buy consciences, to win the support of other dictators, in impossible and losing wars in Africa (Uganda, Chad ...) and luxury for his children and followers. Libya is a rich country, but the Libyans are poor. A clerk takes the equivalent of $ 170 per month, while one of the foolish children of the tyrant has spent two million dollars for a show that lasted one hour, one American singer, Beyonce, in a nightclub in Las Vegas. Gaddafi of socialism, the Libyans have a faded memory of merchandise from supermarkets empty and boring and stupid corrupt bureaucracy, similar to what they have inherited the younger generation of Eastern Europe.
And not everything was anti-communism. I do not think that Qaddafi represents a continuation of the experience is not aligned with Nasser. Castellina is good to remember the importance of that idea, however, silenced by the ruthless imperialist aggression, refusing to take sides with a force of two military pacts in which the world was divided after World War II. Nasser died poor and his son did not inherit any political role. But here we have the oil wealth of the country regarded as private property of the family and the power reduced jamahiriano a una ridicola monarchia. Considerare Gheddafi come parte di quel mondo che si è incamminato nel solco del nobile esperimento dei «Non Allineati» è stato un errore di valutazione della compagna Castellina. Non bastano le belle intenzioni del colonnello!
Quel che conta nella politica è l’azione. Anch’io, come molti giovani libici di allora, ho occupato il Consolato libico a Milano e ho distrutto la gigantografia di re Idriss. Ma già nel 1973, l’Unione generale degli studenti libici che guidavo, ha occupato l’ambasciata libica a Roma, per protesta contro l’impiccagione nell’atrio dell’Università di Bengasi (per di più senza processo) degli studenti che chiedevano libertà and representation. The left
Libya was removed with killings and detentions, and in some cases with the purchase of consciences, in total silence.
It was also our fault because we were not able to communicate and build relationships and have lived in the action of opposition fragmented organizational forms. But you can not give the license to Gaddafi as representative of the idea of \u200b\u200bsocialism.
errors of this tyrant is not restricted to the last ten years, as claimed by the company, talking (on the poster, February 27), but go back much farther. Gaddafi has flaunted the banner of anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism, but has traded under the table their own personal salvation with agreements that have opened Libya to the looting of the rich countries. We are aware that oil is tempting to many. And that is why we are opposed to any external military intervention. The opposition has called for a "No Fly Zone" to prevent the use by the Air Force Colonel (as is happening in this hour and Ajdabieh Brega).
The men who form the provisional government of public health are people I know personally and are serious and trustworthy.
are no secessionists or fundamentalists. The Democratic matrix that moves them to rebel against the orders of the tyrant is beyond dispute.
not give them play, would be a grave mistake on the part of the Italian left and Italy Democratic whole.
Finally, self-injury. Persevere in error is the worst. The positive feedback that was given to some of the experiences of countries in the southern hemisphere does not preclude the possibility of a critical review. As it was critical for the countries of real socialism in Eastern Europe, even today you can take note of the end of an illusion. The court then had his reasons quotas and context. The current situation is different. It must be recognized for what it is. I do not think is far-sighted sprinkle ashes on their heads for the errors of assessment and analysis of the past. Remember that Mussolini was a socialist and that Giuliano Ferrara was a communist. Even in the memory and admonition of those defeats, dear readers, continue to buy the poster, an essential tool to inform and discuss the world today!
from "Il Manifesto" March 5, 2011
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