THE FORCAIOLO Leonardo Mazzei republish an analysis of the figure of Leonardo Mazzei Di Pietro. Although 17 months have elapsed since its first publication this analysis is still relevant. You might remember that today thanks to various parliamentary left Italy of Values, apparently the largest party in parliament antiberlusconiano this, that the Berlusconi government has so far managed to overcome its crisis inside. Commissioner Di Pietro in Italian situation murky The clouds are gathering for a long time, but the storm is yet to come. The Italian situation is becoming increasingly cloudy and still not be seen what will be the outlet. The crisis is no longer just economic and social, but also institutional. The alternative proposal is that Italians today is between a block and a block reactionary oligarchy, but the left-right dichotomy! The first is shaken by the difficulties of its undisputed leader, but certainly not ready to give up the second one hopes to overcome its political difficulties by virtue of its economic strength and support from Washington.
This is Italy in autumn 2009. Bonapartism is opposed to the Berlusconi government's design of the oligarchies, like from the frying pan into the fire. In this clash, which will certainly see tripping, betrayal and turns, play characters of all kinds. Among those we deal with today in a subject a bit 'special: Antonio Di Pietro, come to politics through the manettaro by the police and judiciary, but always remained a staunch forcaiolo. There
deal because his personal party is no longer a small "bush" because in the general confusion is likely to attract consensus by those who are against the bipolarity, because his momentary success is a symptom of a general list.
But before we take a brief look at the political situation. In fact, Peter has an extraordinary advantageous position, as determined by the end of the crisis without dall'inconsistenza Pd and, even more than the subordination of that which still stands to his left. E 'in this context that Di Pietro dell'antiberlusconismo may look like the champion, a title more than enough to scrape together in today's consensus in many directions.
The impasse of the right Deployment Berlusconi is in a dead end. Wanting to use the language American, Berlusconi is now a lame duck. And in the era of personalization, the destruction of the person above the political defeat. And 'certainly what it deserves, but what's cooking?
What is certain is that Berlusconi will not withdraw voluntarily Hammamet. It is cut all the bridges behind him, took the path of institutional clash and forced to have failed to quit. Its latest moves suggest a hunted and wounded animal, which kicks and punches before falling inevitably impallinato his hunters.
The elders of the right would rather not have to share this passage with their father-master, but this sort can not escape. Moreover, if one day they will release will not be so easy for them one day, on the contrary will be the beginning of an internal gang war. Can one imagine the unity of the PDL without its head?
But we remain to the present. Massimo D'Alema said a few days ago that in a "normal country" Berlusconi should resign because his party would ask him. For once we can not but agree with D'Alema. But on July 25 of Berlusconi does not yet appear on doors, and if it will come only after a stinging political defeat.
For now - at least until the regional elections of spring - the duo-PDL League (especially the PDL) will be costretto a barcamenarsi, confidando soprattutto sull’incredibile debolezza dell’opposizione parlamentare. L’animale ferito continuerà a tirar calci, i cacciatori proseguiranno il loro gioco, la vita pubblica diventerà sempre più un pantano. Insomma, guai a pensare di aver toccato il fondo.
Il centrosinistra in coma speranzoso Se la destra è in un vicolo cieco, il centrosinistra è in una paradossale condizione di coma speranzoso. E’ politicamente in coma, non sa esprimere una vera opposizione, si fa sempre infilzare nella polemica quotidiana, ha una politica delle alleanze a dir poco confusa e rimane litigioso al suo interno. Nonostante tutto ciò, il centrosinistra è speranzoso. Non ha grandi idee, ma pensa di risolvere le sue difficoltà lasciandosi trasportare dalla corrente oligarchica-confindustriale-americana che sta preparando il dopo-Berlusconi.
In questi ultimi giorni la linea di questo blocco è sempre più chiara: meno tasse per le imprese e da subito, guai a parlare di precarietà (basta vedere come è stato redarguito Tremonti per la “bestemmia” sul “posto fisso”), ulteriore attacco alle pensioni (vedi Il peggiore di tutti: Mario Draghi), nuove privatizzazioni. Quello di Draghi, Marcegaglia, Montezemolo – con il loro codazzo di economisti ed opinionisti sempre pronti alla bisogna – è un gigantesco progetto di massacro social policy of the sacrifices to the cube, in front of which the financial "blood and tears" to Maastricht are likely to appear as childish things.
the oligarchs who have decided to tackle the crisis in this way but can not do without the umbrella of Washington. Hence the political offensive on the pipeline, the attack on the Russian-Italian relations, the denunciation of Berlusconi as a man of Czar Putin.
is not yet clear how this plan - which also has terminals on the right - to materialize, but certainly enough to make hopeful the center-left in a coma. They have their own project, but know they can be useful to someone else. And this enough for him and move forward, it is a political class voted only to the governance and interests (as would say, with emphasis Emilia, Bersani) the "company".
Here then commissioner Peter So much for the photo of the degradation of politics. In this picture of Peter is a bit 'inside and a bit' out. His voters, especially the newcomers, most believe the outside than inside. The truth of the facts shows it instead up to their ears, but the confusion is so great that dominates the appearance of reality. So let's look better in rebuilding his career, analyzing its political choices, examining the program of his party, whose main structure will be useful to have a minimum of attention.
Di Pietro arrives in passing by the judiciary police. From Commissioner to Pm is a short step, although it will have to wait some years to get to the celebrities who wins with "clean hands" (1992). How
were "clean" those hands should now be clear to all. The fact is that that is where is the second republic, the electoral system, the world record of privatization, the sacrifices to enter the euro, the military missions alongside U.S., and so on and so forth . E 'from there, only apparent paradox, che arriva lo stesso Silvio Berlusconi, un “dettaglio” sul quale Di Pietro, come gli altri dirigenti del centrosinistra, evita accuratamente di proferir parola.
In una recentissima trasmissione di Annozero (inizi di ottobre), il leader dell’Idv rivela che pochi giorni prima della strage di via D’Amelio viene fatto espatriare in Costarica, sotto il falso nome di Marco Canale. Ma guarda un po’, gli apparati dello Stato si preoccupavano della sua incolumità esattamente nel momento in cui le sue inchieste destrutturavano il sistema politico della prima repubblica, mentre non si preoccupavano di quella del giudice Borsellino che in via D’Amelio da lì a poco sarebbe saltato in aria.
Lungi da noi la dietrologia, but what is certain (he tells us) is that in the face of threats of mafia apparatus of the state to put safety first by a judge who conducts his investigations in Milan, Palermo. Some have argued previously that Di Pietro himself was a man of services. We can not know, but the events of '92 should give pause.
After that season, as the turbidity current reaches the political Di Pietro. Before
refuse, but declares flattered, offered a ministerial office by Berlusconi (April 1994) on the grounds of wanting to remain in the judiciary, then a few months after leaving the judiciary itself for reasons never really explained. What we do know is that even then used blackmail and dossier.
In 1996 he joined the Prodi government as minister of public works, but he resigned after receiving a notice of investigation. At the end of 1997 will still be rewarded with the election to the Senate in the lists of the Olive.
The following year was born in Italy of Values \u200b\u200b(IDV), which joins in 1999 nell'asinello of "Democrats". In 2000, when the defeat of the center in the general election is already virtually certain, refounded the IDV, evidently a "party" for the jacket pocket of the former prosecutor.
The rest is fairly recent. At the 2004 European Occhetto is paired with, the policies of 2006 in di Prodi, in quelle del 2008 è l’unico alleato ammesso all’apparentamento con il Pd da Veltroni, un fatterello che viene sistematicamente omesso dagli estimatori della presunta autonomia di Di Pietro.
Fuori dal recinto? Secondo costoro Di Pietro sarebbe un nemico del bipolarismo.
Peccato che già nel 1998 sia stato tra i promotori del referendum per l’abolizione della quota proporzionale per l’elezione della Camera. Peccato che abbia confermato questa sua vocazione maggioritaria e bipolare non più tardi che nel giugno scorso quando ha sostenuto il sì al referendum ultra-bipartitista.
Sempre secondo i suoi estimatori, Di Pietro sarebbe in rotta con the Democratic Party. Nothing could be further from the truth. We have already said the elections in 2008, but the alliance has been repeated in recent regional elections in Abruzzo and Sardinia and so the administration in June. Where is the break?
And why should there be, given the similarity of programs and objectives?
Di Pietro is entirely inside the fence, including aspects of caste that would also terminate. Its real function is to raise our voices to raise the discomfort and the desire of opposition, to bring them back into the cage then bipolar.
What is your program? IDV What is the program? Of course, almost nobody knows, since the only message that comes is that of the scourge, sworn enemy of Mr. Berlusconi and corrupt. In its hunt for votes using tone and arguments of left is the anti-fascist, the defender of the workers, the guardian of the Constitution, if necessary even pacifist.
But what is your program?
Leggerselo is simple, IDV is on site and is merged into 10 points. And 'quick and highly instructive.
In chapters devoted to the economy are qualifying these goals: a) decrease the tax burden from businesses Irap, b) the liberalization of local public services and commencement of privatization, c) killing labor costs and salaries linked to outcomes, d) incentive for scrapping. Someone would know
find any difference with the current priorities of Confederation?
On foreign policy, in the midst of inoffensive platitudes, we find the objective of the European army and that of a common EU policy. Support IDV oligarchies of Europe in the Treaty of Lisbon is thus complete.
no coincidence that when the Italian parliament ratified the Protocol, Di Pietro was with his hands to peel the applause at that totally bipartisan vote.
on justice and security, Peter of course the best. Increasing law enforcement agencies, police, guards prison, which should also increase the salaries, increase the number of judges, making it more difficult for appeals to the Supreme Court, suspend the terms of the requirement after the trial, and enhance international judicial cooperation, promote the image of Pm European tighten the prison regime, grant additional facilities to repent, to prevent any restriction to eavesdropping. We need to continue?
Obviously the populist authoritarian Molise sells his wares with the usual seasoning antiberlusconismo. But, we should ask, Berlusconi is the only Italian city that has to do with justice? With that, however, that justice has been unable so far to condemn a once beyond the odious Alfano recently canceled by the Constitutional Court? And in the name
dell'antiberlusconismo should we hope more and more armed police, more prisons and tougher?
Are we crazy? The authoritarian laws should always be to hit the oppressed and those who struggle against the capitalist order, and usually in jail the corrupt and corrupting not go there. We still remember these simple truths? But the nature of
DiPietro turns on all fronts. You know, for example, what is the response to the television monopoly? Of course, liberalization ...
Guardian of compatibility Of course, someone might observe that IDV in the program there are also other things. True, but look, if not missing a single point of those who are dear to the ruling classes.
To remove any doubt, however, just remember where DiPietro during the last Prodi government (2006-2008). That period is not far, but the memory of the Italians seems in trouble recently. In the short term
Di Pietro, who with a mere 2.3% of votes became minister of infrastructure, he brought the characters of various kinds, among which played a major role in Sergio De Gregorio, who will become chairman of the Senate Defence Committee with the votes of Berlusconi. De Gregorio, who will then arms and baggage to the Centre, had been a member of Forza Italy in Campania, but in this case, for some reason, the commissioner had been less rigid than usual in compiling the electoral roll.
instead, had the stiffness of the watchdog to defend to the bitter end to decide the most markedly anti-social (as another counter-pension summer 2007), and the Atlantic, such as yes to the U.S. base in Vicenza and the full support refinancing of the various military missions abroad, starting with the one in Afghanistan.
The usual naive to think that so much zeal may perhaps derived from his loyalty to Prodi, the desire to avoid at all costs, difficulties the government, but it is not. Both avid
against the alleged "radicalism" of the components of the left - in fact always remain subordinate and ineffective, and to the very end, however, remained to guard the empty container of the "friendly government" - as furious and judgments sputacchiante saliva as well as to distance the government when it could mark the true nature of forcaiolo.
on what the party stands out because staff of the minister of infrastructure? Simple: by voting and demonstrating against the pardon in July 2006, and opposing the commission of inquiry into the conduct of police during the G8 summit in Genoa.
A personal party
So far the policy choices of the party. Yeah, but what kind of party?
After the success of the European Di Pietro has promised a "party less personalized." But that promise is not followed by actions and the symbol with its name in the middle is still there.
to say which party is the IDV enough of the rest two. The first is that although the statutes provide for the congress every two years, today's conference (which is sui generis Congress) if they were only two in 1999 and 2004. The second is that the power to amend the articles is not the Congress, but a very small bureau. So it is from January last year, even before then that power was actually in the hands of one person: guess who. Some parliamentarians
DiPietro sometimes mutter to this dominance of the head, but - like the Berlusconi - can not really do anything with those who won a seat so unexpected.
The other issue that speaks to us of the true nature of the IDV is funding.
Did you know that the Court of Accounts is investigating what the person who has so far received election funds for all'Idv. The investigation has not got the moves by some of the hated berluscones maneuver, but by a complaint of statutory Elio Veltri (co-founder IDV) and Ochille Occhetto, the 2004 European ally of the Communist Party as well as the melter.
The hypothesis is that the funds have not finished the Italy of Values \u200b\u200bparty, but in Italy an association of values, consists of three members: Antonio Di Pietro, his wife Susanna Mazzoleni and trustworthy Silvana Mura. These two subjects (IDV IDV party and association) are legally distinct, were also recognized as such by the Tribunal of Rome in the civil case that pits the IDV in the "yard" of Occhetto and Veltri.
The Commissioner is therefore not the champion of transparency that would have us believe: the (fake) party need to take vows, but the money (along with all the powers decisionali) devono stare nelle mani di un ristrettissimo clan familiare. E se l’inchiesta confermerà l’imbroglio saremmo di fronte al primo caso di questo genere nella pur variopinta e pittoresca galleria delle furfanterie del ceto politico italiano.
Ai dipietristi inossidabili, agli amanti del Pm dalle “mani pulite”, dedichiamo le righe che seguono, tratte dall’esposto dei legali di Occhetto e Veltri del luglio 2008, nel quale fanno presente alla Corte dei Conti, che: «nella più totale assenza di qualsiasi controllo da parte dell’Ente pagatore (la Camera dei deputati, ndr) sulle condizioni minime di legittimazione a ricevere i pagamenti dei rimborsi elettorali, essi vengono conseguiti da parte di an association formed by only three people who meet these substantial funds to come in the absence of any statement. " In short, Di Pietro is a cheat? According to former allies of the "Yard", yes. For the rest of the readers judge.
What is the IDV? then conclude by returning to the most important question: what is the IDV? That the substance of this former personal party Pm is light years away from what would seem is all too evident. But what is its function?
The IDV has the traits of a conservative party in the institutional, economic liberal, reactionary in the field of law and justice, than the secular civil rights. Who resembles this strange animal? If it were not for his nature forcaiola found more than one relationship with the Radical Party of Pannella, which among other shares (but in a more centralized) the same structure Leadership. This comparison might seem to some crazy and unreasonable. Pannella friends to appear disrespectful of radical positions on justice, the former prosecutor will seem offensive to those of the image that their leader has been built upon.
Let us try to think in another way, comparing the current function IDV with that taken by the Radical Party in the late 70. Today it is collecting the dissent and opposition to the political system for all in the cage reincanalare bipolar. Then it was to absorb dissent and opposition to the governments of "national unity", ie consociativismo of that time, reincanalarli in the institutions of that system. Pannella
screaming, yelling Di Pietro, an anti-system seemed Pannella, Di Pietro as well. The first is done to promote the referendum for the majority and against the workers, as well as demonstrations in support of the war on Yugoslavia, the second one did exactly the same things.
If yesterday was used because it was necessary to convey the libertarian liberal direction in at least some of the movements of the '70s, now works better than actual permanent service in the commissioner because the judiciary is the main road of a certain antiberlusconismo.
Both were able to pick up votes and scraps from the forces of the left, both are allies of the Democratic Party, in support of a center-left. We have already noted that the IDV in 2008 was not far from the only party allied with the PD Veltroni, but which contained within its list of the steel patrol pannelliana. A case? Difficult to think.
The success of the Radical Party in the late '70s was the poisoned fruit of the historic compromise and unity government nazionale. Quello di Di Pietro è il frutto avvelenato del berlusconismo. Un frutto da combattere per ciò che è, per la sua linea politica ed il suo programma, ma anche per la funzione che svolge: quella di partito di cerniera tra il centrosinistra e quella parte della società che vorrebbe farla finita con il bipolarismo.
Quelli che si illusero sulla via pannelliana trenta anni fa dovettero ben presto ricredersi: la funzione del buffone radicale e filo-americano non cambiò, ed anzi si precisò sempre più nel tempo, ma il suo seguito si ridusse drasticamente benché in molti continuassero a prodigarsi amorevolmente per tenerlo in qualche modo in vita.
A quando il declino del principe dei forcaioli? Non lo sappiamo, anche se il suo destino appare indissolubilmente legato a quello dell’attuale primo ministro. Possiamo immaginare un dipietrismo senza Berlusconi? Ovviamente no: verrebbero meno sia gli argomenti che la funzione del suo partito personale.
I tempi sono dunque incerti, ma una cosa possiamo dirla: quando le quotazioni del commissario Di Pietro inizieranno finalmente a scendere l’aria della penisola sarà un po’ più salubre.
24 Ottobre 2009
