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LETTERS

; LETTER TO CITIZENSHIP


, to March 1

images that reach us from the Mediterranean countries disrupt our normal much more images related ai corpi delle “giovani amanti scellerate” del nostro presidente del consiglio, per mesi usate da contorno sulle le prime pagine dei giornali e dei siti d'informazione main-stream. Tunisia, Algeria, Egitto, Libia sono paesi in cui governi autoritari e corrotti tentano di contenere la crisi globale sperando nella cieca sudditanza dei propri popoli, a prescindere dalle condizioni materiali che vivono le persone.
Cosa c'è dietro queste immagini? A noi sembra che ci siano scarsi strumenti interpretativi, sono piuttosto didascalie vuote quelle che accompagnano sequenze mai viste prima. Finora abbiamo conosciuto la Libia italiana, ex colonia e grande bacino d'interesse economico, pian piano la Libia di Gheddafi e delle amazzoni quali alter ego of our prime minister. How we react
thus faced with a rebellion so powerful, to lay a claim to freedom, rights, of the future?
The first and the first images of the riots we have learned relying on the Net Hundreds of young people use social networks to show the world the rebellion, the firing on the crowd, the mass graves on the beach.
Tahir Square in Egypt was the first sign of freedom. The Mediterranean countries are infected each other. Now is the time Libya's Gaddafi, the country with the system longer and a whole generation, ours, took to the streets to build a future from the conquest of liberty.
reinforcements arrive from the boundaries per sostenere la lotta, i cittadini hanno deciso di abbattere i regimi e hanno capito che si deve lottare insieme per farlo. Non si tratta di una guerra civile, sono rivolte accomunate da una dura e sanguinosa repressione.
E pensare che la nostra principale preoccupazione sono gli “sbarchi imminenti” sulle coste italiane. Dovremmo forse sapere che prima di addentrarsi nelle acque insanguinate che portano alle nostre coste si fugge via terra nei paesi confinanti. Siamo un paese ostile che lascia gestire alla Lega le politiche migratorie. Siamo una città che nel 2009 ha invitato il Colonnello Gheddafi all’università La Sapienza per un incontro con gli studenti e in seguito lo ha accolto in Campidoglio (con il beneplacito Gianni Alemanno). Noi studenti lo abbiamo cacciato allora chiamandolo assassino e dittatore, oggi non possiamo tacere dif ronte a un massacro di queste dimensioni.
Questo ci chiama all’indignazione, a rifiutare questa nostra immagine degradante.
Ci sentiamo partecipi e "complici" delle lotte di questi mesi, ci sentiamo vicini ai giovani che si rivoltano e che ci aiutano a capire che non si può vivere di sole analisi, ma bisogna ribellarsi per incidere e determinare le proprie vite.
Il primo marzo, (giornata europea di sciopero dei migranti), partiremo dalla Sapienza, alle ore 16,30, per inondare le strade di Roma, per prendere parola contro lo sfruttamento del lavoro migrante e contro il massacro libico.
Non viviamo in Libia eppure noi giovani generations, students and temporary workers struggle to combat the very poverty of perspective and lack of rights.
We therefore call on all citizens to take to the streets, because in front of women, men, children who have not guaranteed any freedom you can not only pay attention voyeuristic virtual, because we believe that the images coming out of Libya and the entire North Africa can teach us that authoritarian governments do not have long life in front of the desire for freedom, rights and dignity of every individual who inhabits this earth.


Isabel Pinto - Malvina Giordana
students of Wisdom

Homemade Football T Shirts

BY THE LIBYAN REVOLUTION
(Communists and compared neostalinisti)

, Marco Ferrando




scenario of civil war in Libya, the imperialist interference, the 'extreme uncertainty information facts in the course, have become the inspiration of the occasion in some circles of the left to question the very existence of the Libyan revolution and beautify the reality of the Gaddafi regime.
"It 'a civil war, not a revolt, let alone a revolution." "It 's been organized by imperialism, there is nothing spontaneous in contrast to Tunisia and Egypt," "There are claims in the social movement against Gaddafi, but political." "Gaddafi has held an anti-imperialist regime, so you want to drive it." "A Benghazi waves the flag of the old monarchy of King Idris, this would be a revolution?". And so on ...
Queste posizioni- espresse in forme diverse da ambienti della vecchia guardia del Il Manifesto, dall'area stalinista della Fed, e dalla Rete dei Comunisti- sono emblematiche della totale confusione di merito e di metodo presente nel bagaglio teorico della tradizione stalinista . E soprattutto dei risvolti politici controrivoluzionari di questo bagaglio. E' bene dunque provare a fare chiarezza. Tanto più in un momento storico in cui l' ascesa della rivoluzione araba scuote l'intero ordine internazionale e pone al movimento operaio e ai comunisti rivoluzionari una nuova frontiera di intervento politico e di battaglia strategica.

IL REGIME DI GHEDDAFI ALLE SUE ORIGINI:
UN BONAPARTISMO “ANTIMPERIALISTA”

La prima considerazione è di carattere storico.
Il colpo di stato degli Ufficiali liberi nel 1969 in Libia ebbe sicuramente un connotato “antimperialista”, per quanto distorto dal suo carattere militare. Ma si può ignorare la natura reale del regime e, oltretutto, la sua dinamica storica regressiva negli ultimi 20 anni?
Il rovesciamento militare della vecchia monarchia libica di re Idris nel 69 si inserì nel movimento più generale di decolonizzazione sviluppatosi nel secondo dopoguerra: un movimento che trovò un varco nell'esistenza dell'Urss e nell'espansione internazionale della sua area di influenza all'interno della stessa nazione araba.
Like the regime of Ben Bella and Boumedienne in Algeria then, and Nasser in Egypt (which, however, Gaddafi was inspired), the new power of Libyan officials realized undoubtedly progressive social measures: erased the traces of Italian colonialism, closed military bases foreign, partly nationalized foreign banks (with the acquisition of majority stakes), took possession of the oil resources of the country, launched social protection measures. It was more than sufficient for the condemnation of Gaddafi by imperialism. But it was not the "socialism" - as claimed by the Stalinist parties justify their capitulation to Arab nationalism nor- workers' power and popular. On the contrary. On the ground
Gaddafi preserved a social market economy, albeit with a strong presence of public control: moreover, the "third universal theory" as Gaddafi called her social doctrine-the traditional modesty-openly acknowledged the principle of private property (" enshrined in the Koran ") at odds with the" totalitarian communism ". On the political terrain
erected on the ruins of the old monarchy and despotic military regime in its own, based on the mystique of the Cape, on the denial of elementary democratic rights of workers and the masses (no freedom of association, no freedom to strike, no free exchange of political views in the same field-imperialist ..), bring it on active Libyan society through specific structures of social control and crime (the so-called "popular committees" strictly subordinated to Gaddafi as a sort of his private militia) on 'equilibrium with (and among) the clans (such as never put into question, but rather used as the interface of the power system), the systematic annihilation of all forms of military, even disguised or potential opposition to absolutism (the clergy traditional Islamic Ulema, the weak components of the political opposition inside) The same "new constitution" solemnly promise by Gaddafi at the time of the overthrow of the monarchy, remained a dead letter in 40 years: and replaced by the creed of Yamahiriyya (1976) and the messianic religion of the Green Paper, of course, written by the head of punch.
E 'therefore quite clear that already in the 70 and 80 the communist revolutionaries were certainly defend Libya's Gaddafi (as Nasser's Egypt, as Boumedienne of Algeria ..) from the threats of imperialism, but they could not in any way identified in the scope of petit-bourgeois Bonapartist military or embellish the reality of those regimes. On the contrary, they had to act as opposition to the proletarian Bonapartist around a program of social revolution and anti-capitalist democrazia operaia e popolare: l'unica prospettiva capace di consolidare e portare sino in fondo la stessa rivoluzione democratica antimperialista. Questa era del resto la politica di rigorosa indipendenza di classe che Marx rivendicava nei confronti della democrazia rivoluzionaria piccolo borghese e di un suo possibile governo (v. Indirizzo alla Lega dei Comunisti del 1850) e che l'internazionale Comunista di Lenin e di Trotsky applicarono verso il nazionalismo “antimperialista” dei paesi coloniali o semicoloniali ( v.il 2° Congresso della 3° Internazionale sulla questione coloniale, del 1920).La burocrazia stalinista capovolgerà questa impostazione.
L'adattamento dello stalinismo, durante il secondo dopoguerra, al nazionalismo petit-bourgeois Arab military sectors in the Middle East, was a crime against the Arab revolution and his own anti-imperialist aspirations. All Bonapartist regimes' anti-imperialist "backed by Moscow, and made possible by the very existence of the USSR, they finished one after the other with back nell'alveo imperialism and Zionism with the subordinate. A process already begun in the 70 and 80 (conducted by Sadat and then Mubarak in Egypt), and completed after the fall of the Berlin Wall and Stalinism internationally.

the parable of Gaddafi: FROM BONAPARTE "ANTINMPERIALISTA" A business partner (and crimes) Imperial

Gaddafi's regime was no exception. Subject still imperialist military aggression in 1986 (with the bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi on the American side), and even internationally isolated in the early 90 (with the heavy international sanctions of 92-93), the regime has worked to integrate its own in the new international order, until his "rehabilitation" official in 2003. The end
protective umbrella of the Kremlin, the imperialist aggression against Iraq by 91, increasing the pressure of Islamic fundamentalism threatening the borders (Algeria) with a risk of penetration in Libya, Gaddafi urged in a short time a radical relocation policy. This opened up a
internal liberalization, reopened its doors to foreign banks, offered lavish concessions to imperialism in the same oil field, he gave lavish contracts in the field of infrastructure capital to Italian and French, took on the role of ruthless policeman xenophobic policies of EU opened to relax with Egypt and the Zionist state. Asking in return not only the renunciation of imperialism to overthrow the regime, but an area of \u200b\u200bactive involvement in the financial capital of the West: Libya, the first Italian bank's main shareholder (Unicredit) states in this context.
This change has had important consequences in Libya. At the oppressive nature of the dictatorship has been added to the growth sensitive to social inequalities, against wages still have to be twenty years. On the one hand, liberalization and privatization, coupled with the growing communion business with the capitalists of Europe, have increased the social privilege of the caste system from the family (wide) Gadhafi's, making the political abuse of power even more obnoxious. For another, the maintenance of social assistance could not prevent the significant increase in youth unemployment (especially intellectual), a feature common to all countries of the Maghreb.: The per capita income in Libya is certainly higher than in Tunisia and Egypt, but only through the traditional media of chicken. Finally, the social mixing triggered by increasing integration with foreign capital has eroded the old tribal and territorial balance, atavistic multiplying contradictions and tensions (particularly between Cyrenaica and Tripolitania), to the detriment of the stability of the regime and the unity of the army.
The truth is that Libya's history and its parable is a further lesson for all the supporters, more or less uncritically, the military regimes of the "progressive" (at Chavez, for instance).
Not only do these schemes do not achieve or can achieve, by definition, the power of workers and the masses, but their own autonomy from imperialism is inevitably partial, fragile, transient, sooner or later exposed to the ebb of normalization. Questa è la realtà attuale del regime di Gheddafi . Non vederlo, e continuare a riproporre 40 anni dopo, pur con qualche comprensibile prudenza, la vecchia mitologia del Leone del deserto, significa non fare alcun bilancio degli errori passati e disarmare la politica rivoluzionaria di fronte allo scenario nuovo della rivoluzione araba.

LA SOLLEVAZIONE POPOLARE IN LIBIA:
“GUERRA CIVILE” O “RIVOLUZIONE”?
TANTA CONFUSIONE SOTTO IL CIELO

Ma c'è di più.
Dopo aver rimosso in sede “logica” la base materiale di una possibile rivoluzione Libyan (If Gaddafi is anti-imperialism and the masses have a good life thanks to the subsidies, why should they make a revolution?) neostaliniani intellectuals deny the empirical evidence in the same revolution in progress: it would be at best a "civil war", and hatched intended behind the scenes, and in each case as may be called "revolution" the raising of the flag of the monarchy?
This building is nonsense. How much money in it the absolute lack of understanding of the historical reality of revolution, with the absolute lack of understanding of the concreteness of unfolding events. Let us reflect on both aspects.
do not know how fellow Burgio, Carara Dinucci or imagine a revolution. Seems to imagine that as a straight path, marked by the mass consciousness, illuminated by a clear plan, supported by a uniform social bloc. (And for this .. put off the mists of time). Unfortunately, such a revolution is unknown to human history. Revolutions real, not imagined ones, are highly complex processes. They are not driven by conscience but by the needs and hatred against oppression. Just because mobilize large masses (otherwise not be revolutions) dragged into the arena of struggle the most diverse social strata, the most diverse cultures and traditions, reasons and deeply conflicting interests. This has always been. And much more rises when the revolution against decades of dictatorial regimes, which by their nature have long blocked any form of public dialectic and selection of political representatives, uniting against him a vague democratic movement for "freedom." E 'hardly necessary to recall that the first Russian revolution of 1905 against tsarism began under the banner of Gapon priest (later revealed agent of the Tsar) ... The task of communists is not to deny the revolution because it does not correspond to a pure ideal (nonexistent), but to intervene in the real revolutions to develop their consciousness, to counter the hegemony of political or cultural conditions (inevitable in the first phase), due to the progressive social and political aspirations of the masses at the mouth of a capitalist class.
revolutions against Arab regimes in the course twenty years (Tunisia), thirty years (Egypt), forty years (Libya), the Communists pose exactly this problem.
the processes have different characteristics in different national contexts. In particular, different channels and political organizers of the uprising, and the dynamics of social forces. But wherever the true unifying banner of revolutionary movements immediately was not social but political: the overthrow of regimes, the overthrow of the oppressors. That is why the political banner has aggregated around him names deeply contradictory, which tend to capture the scene immediately after the overthrow of tyrants. The great rise of workers' strikes in Egypt, after the fall of Mubarak in the open collision with the "new" provisional military power (and the Egyptian bourgeoisie which supports it) is emblematic in this regard.
The Libyan revolution falls, with its specificity, in this framework. The flag
unifying a large part of the Libyan society is facing in the fall of Gaddafi, the punishment of his crimes, the launch of a constitution, free elections. These are the traditional claims of a democratic revolution. The flag
"monarchical"? It 's just the Libyan flag in opposition the green flag of the dictatorship. Gaddafi that before there was a monarchy in Libya (rightly reversed in 69) is a fact. But the flag now under appeal by the masses against Gaddafi does not express the demand for the return of the family Idris. Besides, the royalist opposition is almost non-existent in Libya, and weak in emigration, as documented by the historic Del Boca. That flag represents in symbolic terms, in the desert of political and cultural references, the point of identification and aggregation available after 40 years of the regime against the regime. In the perception of mass is the symbol of a national democratic revolution, not a counter-revolution monarchy. You can not see it? A fact
“preordinato e organizzato”, a differenza che in Tunisia e in Egitto, e dunque longa manus di “forze straniere”?. E' una sciocchezza dietrologica tipica della mentalità staliniana, che ignora la realtà dei fatti. La cronaca della insurrezione di Bengasi, guida della rivoluzione, è ormai di dominio pubblico, persino nei particolari, confermati peraltro dalle più disperate fonti documentali e testimonianze. Le prime manifestazioni anti regime del 15 febbraio, convocate via internet, a base prevalentemente giovanile e studentesca, sono state aggredite a fucilate da forze mercenarie direttamente guidate da Karmis, figlio di Gheddafi, che ordinava all'esercito di partecipare alla repressione. L'orrore per la carneficina accomplished, in a city already hit repeatedly by criminal violence of the regime, has produced the popular uprising. The same commands are then deserted the army orders Gaddafi, have mutinied, and opened the barracks and arms depots, allowing the arming of the people. The Benghazi 20 days was liberated and its liberation has produced a domino effect throughout the east of Libya, with similar dynamics (uprising, mutiny of troops, armament popular). Where is all this the director of a devil mysterious occult? How can you not see that the revolution is the daughter of the Libyan Arab revolution, driven by the events in Tunisia and Egypt, animated by the same desire of freedom and redemption that is going through, in different forms, all the Arab peoples? After describing the collapse of Stalinism in 89 as an international conspiracy of imperialism, as we want to represent the same plot of imperialism Arab revolution (against regimes allied imperialism ..)?
But Libya is "a civil war, not a revolution," it said. But why, perhaps a revolution can not drag with it a civil war? The great revolutions in history were not even civil war? The English Revolution of 1640, the French Revolution of 1789-93, the same Russian revolution of October 17 are not resolved in civil wars? The same liberation war in Italy in the 43-45 (betrayed its revolutionary aspirations of the PCI Togliatti) Did not twisted popular uprising and civil war? One could go on. It 's true in Tunisia and Egypt, the first step of the revolution, with the fall of Ben Ali and Mubarak, did not lead to civil war, despite the hundreds of victims murdered, for the simple fact that in both cases the popular force paralyzed the army, the police has collapsed, the same imperialism has pressed on outside military forces and influenced by self-funded because they avoid a bloodbath, with unforeseeable consequences, and trying to regain political control of the situation (something like is sees no easy or in Cairo or Tunis).
Libya is different, for a set of specific reasons: the family Gaddafi did not escape the space available for Ben Ali and Mubarak and the regime has, in the capital, an area of \u200b\u200bdefensive military and held higher; Gaddafi controls mercenary forces large, the area of \u200b\u200binfluence and political conditions in the 'Gaddafi on imperialism and its military is, for historical reasons, much less than that carried on the Egyptian regime. In this context, the will to resist Gaddafi in Tripoli can drag a civil war (imperialism by offering an area of \u200b\u200bpossible intervention, just a lever in the absence of domestic policy). But why this civil war would eliminate the border between revolution and counterrevolution? Or you want to suggest, by implication, a policy of defending the revolution against the Gaddafi regime in Libya, in perfect harmony with the position taken by the regime of Chavez and Fidel Castro? In this case you gain clarity, and would have the courage to take responsibility. Certainly very challenging and revealing.

anticapitalist DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION

course the full support of the Libyan revolution can not possibly lead to a naive expectation to events. The revolutionary overthrow of the Gaddafi regime would definitely a good thing but will not finish the revolution: on the contrary would open its new phase, full of uncertainties and contradictions, and therefore a new agenda of problems and tasks.
Also in Libya, as in Tunisia and Egypt - albeit with a much greater weakness and dispersion-affected different forces are at work to make the Libyan revolution to end a limited and partial or full historic reconciliation with imperialism . The danger today is not by pan-Islamism, whose presence in the Arab revolution is now whole, very limited, and that is very marginal in the same Libya (Cyrenaica Senussia tradition is not fundamentalist). It is rather the work environments tribal interested in regaining control of the situation after the revolution-especially among young people, has shaken the dominion of the clan going beyond their borders. It comes from the military areas of the old regime who have abandoned the sinking ship, but they are not willing to give up their privileges and their social status. It comes from the enriched environment of the new Libyan grown up in the opening decade of imperialism, and often intertwined with the Western business world. These forces do not now have an axis of unification and a unique project, also because of their conflicting interests. But they have a common goal: secure the people's revolution, impede the full realization of its own democratic demands, prevent in any case his trascrescenza in social revolution, anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist. These are the same forces that may be interested intervention of imperialism in Libya, as a factor of political stabilization and restoration of order: an order without Gaddafi now-factor of civil war with all its risks-but certainly marked by the full restoration dominant hierarchies. The masses
Libyan insurgents have an interest in the exact opposite, like the Tunisian and Egyptian masses: to prevent the betrayal of the revolution. From here, a program of action in response: to develop to the end its calls for democracy, since the demand for a truly free and sovereign Constituent Assembly that subtracts to clan leaders, generals, businessmen, the definition of the new political order, and development of the free people's committees who were born in Benghazi and Tabruk, broaden their social base, giving them an elective nature, progressive coordination at local and national already freed from Libya: to make the tools of self-organization of workers and democratic people, and refuse to surrender their weapons to the new general, as claimed by the military commanders in Benghazi: popular arming and indeed extend, integrate parallel with military representatives elected by the soldiers in the structures of the popular committees, organize their own independent force everywhere. At the same time, in social terms, it is said a standalone program and complementary to reject any opening of market liberalization, deregulation revoke already made nationalization under workers 'control and without compensation all the levers of the economy of the country, cancel all agreements with the arrangements made by the subordinates' imperialism (from the immediate closure of the concentration camps of migrants in Africa).
The fight for this program will not only enshrine the political autonomy of the labor movement and popular of all the Libyan forces of the bourgeoisie, but would make an important contribution to the forward deployment of revolution, Egyptian and Tunisian, a crucial step.

AGAINST ALL WORK OF ' IMPERIALISM IN LIBYA.
BUT NOT IN THE NAME OF THE REVOLUTION Gaddafi

E 'from this point of view, revolutionary, and not the opposite pro-Gaddafi, who is denounced and rejected in the clearest way of imperialist intervention in each case Libya. If
imperialism today is studying a possible intervention in Libya, Gaddafi is not because he wants to remove (also already given up). But because he wants to stop the Libyan revolution and the further extension of the Arab revolution. This is his problem.
Imperialism has never had democratic scruples and humanitarian purposes. Throughout its history has militated against democracy and against humanity. La sua unica vocazione è il dominio sui popoli e il controllo sul pianeta. Non sono oggi le crudeltà del regime di Gheddafi a colpire la sensibilità di chi bombarda l'Afghanistan ed appoggia le barbarie del sionismo. Ma piuttosto l'instabilità politica della Libia, la messa a rischio delle sue riserve petrolifere, la possibilità di un ulteriore espansione del contagio rivoluzionario in Medio Oriente a tutto danno degli interessi strategici dell'imperialismo e dello Stato sionista ,in uno scacchiere decisivo degli equilibri mondiali, presenti e futuri. Intervenire in Libia , dietro il pretesto ipocrita del soccorso umanitario, potrebbe voler dire riconquistare una leva di manovra nell'intero Maghreb, condizionare sviluppi e sbocchi dei processi politicians in the region, to weigh up at the bottom of its deterrent force. Moreover the same inter-imperialist contradictions pulling in the same direction. United States and Great Britain are the most active in supporting the view action, because they think to replace the imperialist interests most affected European (Italy and France), and open a wider channel of direct intervention in Africa according anticinese. France would like to avoid this maneuver, in defense of its old sphere of influence in Africa. But I do not know how. The Italian imperialism, the main victim of the fall of Gaddafi (and not just for the refugee issue) seek to recover estremis the delay to avoid being cut out of a possible division of spheres of influence. What is the only real unifying element of imperialism in this elbowing of all against all? The settlement of the Arab revolution. For this same reason, the defense and development of the Arab revolution, not rare, should be the unifying element of all the consistent anti-imperialist forces.
"Both the Libyan people arose to settle accounts with Gaddafi, not the old colonial powers against the Libyan people and the Arab"

This word is even more important in Italy, old power dominatrix on Libya : it celebrates the centenary of the invasion of colonial exact by the Italian government liberal "progressive" of Giolitti (1911), under the pressure of the Banco di Roma. "Hands off from Libya, full support for the Libyan revolution against Gaddafi and Italian imperialism" is the rightful claim of the labor movement in our country. In keeping with the opposition that the invasion of Libya Italian Socialist Party, argued in 1911. And as a true act of reparation against the barbaric oppression Italian on the Libyan people for nearly half a century (the extermination of the Libyan resistance, use of poison gas, the launch of the concentration camps .., already at the time of the "democratic" Giolitti).
But this position has a progressive sense if moving from support for revolution, not the counter (or untenable neutrality between the Libyan regime and the insurgent people.)

COMMUNISTS AND STALIN THE FACE OF LIBYA:
A REVEALING DISCUSSION

In conclusion. This confrontation on the issue between the Libyan revolutionary forces neostaliste, by no means simply a manifestation of a divergence occasional, albeit important, of "foreign policy." On the contrary: it represents, from a particular angle, the litmus test of opposing orientations.
A revolutionary party that assumes the ideological communism as a label, but as a blueprint for the conquest of power by workers and the masses-as in Italy at the international level-is led by this same program to recognize the revolutionary processes wherever they occur, to defend them, to intervene on their inevitable contradictions, to look to develop their own alternative policy direction in the perspective of the government of workers and poor masses.
groups or parties who instead refer to communism as the ideological legacy of Stalinism, not revolutionary program, without a real fight for power, are inclined to take as an international reference center is not the real dynamics of class struggle and revolution, but the positioning its political and diplomatic "Field" reference state: once the Soviet Union, even when in the name of the interests of the Soviet bureaucracy they were betraying the revolution in English or Italian resistance, and today, more modestly, China or Venezuela's Chavez, even when this to betray (in this case, fortunately without consequences, direct) the Libyan revolution and Arabic.
And 'the proof, once again, the break with Stalinism and his school is the condition necessary to guide the revolutionary politics in the transition period we are living.

February 27, 2011


site http://www.pclavoratori.it/files/index.php?c1:o57:e1

Paintball Gun Ari Gold

not die even if you kill me

Mayor, parties and community centers

The mayor tells the social centers where to hit
seriously injured after the assault

WEDGE They arrived in percent. Armed with rods and paper bombs. For two hours they held in check historical district of Cuneo faced by police, policemen, financiers and even policemen. It ended with IB (33 years) of Pound House in Turin in the hospital for a serious lump of porphyry in the head, a police officer wounded, bruised and 8 within the police. So much damage (glass car split, torn furniture, writing) and the fear of a neighborhood that until night remained in a state of siege under the threat of that violence came from the party of social centers in Turin with only one stated goal : To prevent the opening of an office of "CasaPound.

Cuneo City Gold Medal in the Resistance, led by a junta of the center with PRC. The idea was to open a club of "CasaPound" many did not go down and, earlier this week, Town, unions and Historical Institute of the Resistance have joined the Anti-Fascist Committee. Decision: organizzare un presidio nonviolento sulla piazzetta del municipio per testimoniare il «no» all’apertura del «circolo di chiara ispirazione neofascista». Sicuramente il sindaco Alberto Valmaggia non si aspettava l’arrivo dei Centri sociali di Torino. Dei trecento in piazza per il «presidio antifascista» un centinaio arrivava da fuori. E si sono fatti subito sentire con il lancio di due potenti petardi. Il sindaco, dal palco: «I violenti qui non sono ben accetti. Voi non siete i benvenuti». L’hanno coperto di fischi. Hanno aspettato l’intervento del segretario provinciale di Rifondazione Fabio Panero, poi di Livio Berardo, presidente dell’Istituto Storico. E si sono alzati come a un comando. Hanno attraversato Via Roma to reach the circle "CasaPound" already in the night had been smashed and covered with writing. To defend the right of the forty boys (half Cuneo, half from Turin), there were a hundred soldiers and police in riot gear.

The procession moved quickly and violently. Before the launch of a dozen bombs card, then charged with flagpoles, belts and batons. From behind the launch of paving stones and beer bottles into the right-wing group that has reacted. The first one was injured Filippo Palagreco known policeman in the city because the neighborhood: a cube of porphyry to the affected knee. It was on the ground, screaming. Then the assault on a car Finance, bombs and even paper. Quickly the group of centers has shifted from street to street Mondovì Diaz, in the quadrangle where the club was opened on 'CasaPound. Moments of tension when a cube of porphyry hit to the head of Turin who was behind the police. He lost consciousness. At 18, as it was formed, the procession of the centers is dissolved. In fear of further raids' CasaPound "remains open and unattended.

source: La Stampa

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Iannone, unacceptable has not been done anything to prevent aggression
announced

Rome, February 26 - A militant CasaPound Italy was seriously injured in the scuffles that broke out a wedge shot after being attacked by a hundred leftists antagonist, fully armed with helmets, chains and ax handles, which wanted to prevent by force the opening of the new headquarters of the movement.

''was a news announcement - said the leader of Italy Gianluca Iannone CasaPound - and the institutions will be called to account for what happened. E 'is unacceptable that despite threats and intimidation, despite the violence that have occurred in recent days, despite only yesterday, even before he opened, the seat of Cuneo has been damaged by the same provocative today took to the streets, no action has been taken to prevent premeditated aggression against a legally recognized association that has the full right to pursue its political activity, that has nothing to do with violence. The reason we said and we repeat today, and with more force: gestures like these are children of the political climate of hate created by the hysterical behavior of inadequate political forces, which are not able to get past the witch hunt and the stirring hatred useful idiots.''

''If we add to this what happened this morning in the center of Bologna, where security forces have been helpless in the face collectives to blitz, leaving them to enter the room where he was to hold a conference organized by CPI, we realize we are faced with a state abdicates its function, which fails to defend the rights of citizens to remain at the mercy of violent and of bullies. CasaPound Italy still is not intimidated and will continue to carry on its business as usual political and cultural.''

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Cuneo: CasaPound Italy, a thousand members in less than 24 hours on the facebook group 'mayor must resign'

Iannone, principals of what happened are the institutions in the head Valmaggia

Rome February 27 - has passed the one thousand members in less than 24 hours the facebook group "The Mayor of Cuneo must resign!", born after the aggression on the part of the community centers within the wedge CasaPound Italy opened in the city of Piedmont.

in messages to a lot of anger and indignation at what happened yesterday, when 150 antagonists armed with helmets and handles with pickaxes attempted assault, throwing paper bombs, bottles and cobblestones, one of which was shot in the head and seriously wounded a CPI militant, now out of danger. Anger and indignazionione also determined by the fact that the group of attackers that devastated the city center, however, injuring eight police and carabinieri, it is disconnected from anti-fascist garrison promoted, among others, just by the mayor of Cuneo Alberto Valmaggia and, municipal council of Rifondazione Fabio Panero.

our''A militant was shot in the head by a cobblestone 'democratic' - says Gianluca Iannone, President of CasaPound Italy - Principals of what happened are isitituzioni, led by the mayor, who had decided that the seat of CPI in Cuneo does not open and that their conduct unworthy and hypocritical people stirred up hatred and violence that legitimated the 150 cowards who attacked us. Headquartered CasaPound still is open and will remain so, they know it all, including Valmaggia that no shame for what happened yesterday, already speaks of using the bureaucracy to get us close.''

The customer aggression

***

"Igor was hit by a cobblestone democratic head. The isitituzioni, led by the mayor, decided that the headquarters of the ICC was not open. legitimacy of the institutions infamous 150 helmets and armed with batons stormed our community centers in Piedmont Cuneo.la police in riot gear and 'run away, you know. were in our 30. and their bare hands. and have fought for a promise .

Igor I felt after a long day made of fear and helplessness as I went to Assisi for the concert. has a bad fracture but has a hard rind. "You make me feel worried" and he "Gianluca was a flood, but we've kicked ass and kicked out of our house, see you in Bolzano". "

***

A Cuneo as in too many places Italy of the alarming reports of centers that serve as violent arm where the parties can not reach. Riva del Garda to, remember, it was just personal threats and hotels, here are taking action, but The analogy is far too long. guilty as the torturers principals.

Temporary License Template

POLITICAL AWAKENING IN NORTH AFRICA
; of Pier Francesco Zarcone


Finalmente in parte del mondo arabo sta accadendo quel che prima o poi doveva accadere. Nei mass-media di maggior diffusione inviati speciali e opinionisti vanno ripetendo che in Tunisia, Egitto Libia (ma anche Bahrein, Yemen ecc.) le situazioni sembravano sotto controllo da parte dei corrotti despoti locali e non ci si poteva aspettare che gli eventi d’improvviso sarebbero precipitati. Si tratta di una sonora banalità, per giunta infondata, poiché le sommosse e le rivoluzioni di rado scoppiano nel preciso momento in cui ce le aspettiamo; semmai quando esistono situazioni di “disagio” di massa, al limite della sopportazione (o oltre), si può solo nutrire la certezza (Or hope) that sooner or later the people will descend into the streets, determined not to return to daily life before the radical change of things. Unexpected, therefore, there was nothing, beyond time X. Now we are anxious to find out what can be done immediately. It must be said that any hypothesis can be considered at the time - precisely - hypothetical, it is too early to make anything for sure. Not only for the objective flow of current events, but also for the differences between the various countries where the masses took to the field. However some consideration - Prudential - can be made, arguing on the existing.
Firstly it is important that you are faced with massive and spontaneous popular revolt, triggered by facts such as the classic spark that sets fire to the haystack. This spontaneity was inevitable because of the extreme weakness of the traditional political opposition in those countries. One could expect an Islamist insurgency, which has not been there, nor have seen Islamic radicals take the lead of the people in revolt. At least the state of the proceedings. This can give rise to doubts about the current incidence of "radical Islamists". It aroused the feeling of the images in Tahrir Square in Cairo, Egypt in the last days of the revolt, were stirred along with the Koran and the cross copta.Con This is not to say that there is no certain danger of Islamism. If anything, one wonders if there has been ipervalutato, in good and / or bad faith, as they have developed for both the events of recent days, for a consideration that does not seem to have enjoyed in the media: even when the end of the century Algeria was the last scene of a terrible massacre Islamist (who joined the government), the rest of the Maghreb there was not any significant infection, or significant support to Algerian jihadists. At the moment we could then talk about another scam spread by interested defenders of the Arab dictatorships: that is the ultimatum that stands as one alternativa a tali dittature l’estremismo islamista. Per come sono andate finora le cose non sembra che sia corretta una lettura degli avvenimenti alla luce della rivoluzione islamica dell’Iran. Ma c’è un “però”: è noto come nel corso degli eventi rivoluzionari spesso si verificano processi accelerati con l’esito di rendere egemoni minoranze prima poco considerate se queste, a differenza degli avversari, si sanno muovere interpretando le esigenze (almeno momentanee) delle masse. In atto, tuttavia, da queste masse non provengono istanze favorevoli a società radicalmente islamizzate. Anzi, in luogo della rivendicazione della sharía, abbiamo richieste di libertà democratiche e giustizia sociale. Sarà a case in Arab societies in revolt is consistent the presence of young and educated in various aspects also included provision for the world cultural and technological support for young people in the West? It will not take long to figure out if the application is correct. It should also be demystified the definition of "lay" for schemes directed by Ben Ali, Mubarak, Bouteflika etc.. If by that term must be understood schemes involved in structural reforms to modernize their countries and for greater social justice. It was instead of corrupt and tyrannical regimes, serves the needs of political / economic imperialism, backed by brutal military and comprador bourgeoisie. And because of these characteristics regimes could be a boon to Islamist radicalism and the various jihadists. But, as already mentioned, it seems that these currents have been able to draw significant benefits from the social movements in progress. This, at least for the moment. On this point, please read - the value of radiography Mubarak of Egypt - the story of 'Ala al-Aswani, The Yacoubian Building. If you currently lack the signs of a Iranian, however, much will depend on classes from the operations of local politicians and as "spouse" with the interference of imperialism, which so far has seen three of its bastions to fall in North Africa. It will drop more? That is, it will also in Morocco and Algeria? Morocco seems to be more stable institutional level, although not on the government. Translate: there the people want good government, but the monarchy - which also boasts the descent from the Prophet Muhammad - would not seem at risk. So it is time to bring the situation under control. A special case - and far more dangerous - it could be Algeria, to the extent that Algerian society is not really been decontaminated by the Islamist venom. But currently there is little evidence evaluation. Libyan dangerous is the situation once you reach the slaughter of the dictatorial regime which was often smuggled, also left as an anti-imperialist and nationalist revolution, inspired by green booklet of thought-Gaddafi. In fact, the risk that Somalia will become a Mediterranean Libya is not entirely unfounded. Not so much for religious reasons (for now), but because it is a world still strongly tribalization where - although the real tyranny of the Colonel - the state is rather weak, if not vanishing. Here, every scenario is possible, in the eventual formation of a lack of strong political leadership (which however will be for her to do a Libyan state). An event to be counted in the field of possibilities is such a secession of Cyrenaica, the implications today is not determinable. We said before the persistent flow of current events in North Africa, for the simple fact that it always break down the principle that a dictator does not mean automatic establishment of freedom and justice systems. In fact, on this side is not clear what the outcome will be. In Egypt in the military are clearly leading position as was the fall of the monarchy in the early '50s, and the 18th of February, about two million people demonstrated in Tahrir Square calling for democratic reforms including the end state of emergency, the release of political prisoners and the formation of a provisional government more affidabile.In Tunisia has not ended the fighting in the streets. Volendo fare il punto della situazione – o almeno cercando di farlo – va rilevato che se per rivoluzione politica e sociale s’intende l’abbattimento del ceto dominante (politico ed economico), allora si è in presenza di una fase solo potenzialmente prerivoluzionaria: ma non è detto che si passi alla vera e propria fase rivoluzionaria. È stata abbattuta la parte più putrida dei regimi di Tunisi e del Cairo; ma solo quella. Abbattere il resto dell’edificio non sarà per nulla facile, in mancanza di un progetto che agglutini le masse. E mettiamo poi, tra i fattori di costo, il ruolo degli interessi dell’imperialismo (statunitense, europeo e, soprattutto in Libia, anche italiano). Potrà ancora accadere tutto e il contrario di tutto, tanto più che i ribelli del Nordafrica sono soli con se stessi, stante la sostanziale ostilità del “primo mondo” all’avvento di democrazie popolari nel sud del Mediterraneo. In queste brevi note ci siamo limitati a parlare solo della parte nordafricana del mondo arabo, rimandando a un successivo intervento i casi della parte asiatica. Qui, infatti – e a prescindere dai problemi del regime degli ayatollah in Iran – è in corso anche una fase ulteriore della “riscossa degli sciiti” contro i musulmani sunniti (che tanto confratelli non sono), non solo nella “Mezzaluna fertile”, ma anche nella penisola araba.

Pier Francesco Zarcone
February 27, 2011


site http://www.utopiarossa.blogspot.com/

Empty Frames Piano Sheet Music

Reservoir Dogs and blue stripes


In the absence of a 'Gulf' the original file
blue car at the roadside would be irregular

In the absence of a 'Gulf' initial rows of blue car at the roadside would be illegal. The argument - that if it were proved true it would have the effect of a "bomb" on the parking system in a city like Trent - and 'Reservoir Dogs', the first television broadcast of Italy. The service went on air the other day, one of the "Reservoir Dogs" - the highway code in hand - has shown, with a broad coverage of "cases" movies in the city of Milan, who painted the stalls in the roadway not are under. In fact, Article 7 states (paragraph 6) of the Code: the areas for parking should be located outside the track and in any case so that parked vehicles do not obstruct traffic. To support his argument, the transmission has appealed to various experts and all have confirmed that the code does not leave room for interpretation. As I said, 'the case' is hot because - it is easy to see - would have significant reflections in all the cities of Italy. Blue parking on the roadway there are everywhere, many in Trento. A few examples: Via Galilei, Via Torre Verde, the intermediate section of Via Grazioli, Via Paradiso, via Canal Grande, Via Giusti. They are all illegal? "We have to see," answered the commissioner to the mobility of the Municipality Michelangelo Marchesi, already aware of the service of "Reservoir Dogs." "I have instructed my office to discuss this matter. At first glance I would say that wherever there are stalls blue they are wholly or partially on the roadway, except in rare cases where there are bays or platforms - explains -. If the problem is the impediment to the movement is not clear why the policy should apply only to the blue car, but if the issue is not that I do not understand the rationale.

DB for the South 27/02/2011

***
But want to see that once again those guys that go to the parking meters have reason incuppacciare?!

Pain In Upper Left Quadrant And Acid After Eating

you do the math ... Proposals for the evening



First days in Riva for the initiative of the Democratic Party on a national scale
that wants to collect 10 million signatures
to ask the Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi to resign

First days Riva at the initiative of the Democratic Party on a national scale that wants to collect 10 million signatures to call on Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi to resign. Yesterday, the Democrats gazebo has made its appearance in the gallery Mimosa, the District on June 2. From 10.30 to 12.30 were collected 148 signatures Rivani while many citizens were those who also asked to personally collect the forms to collect signatures in other days. The initiative of the local Democratic Party is replicated today, a gazebo will be set up in the gallery from 10 to 13 S. Joseph, in the historic center. The delivery of the signatures by the national secretary Bersani is scheduled for March 8.

the Adige 27/02/2011

***
No, oh well, luckily it is not democratic and authoritarian party.
make two simple accounts: Italy is pretty much bipolar. We have also had regard to pole with a strong center as the two sides opposites.
The voters are about 50 million. Take 15 million votes for the coalition.
15 in favor of Berlusconi, the center of the hypothetical 15, 15 of Sinista.
But how the heck is it possible that 10 million signatures, which incidentally are not even all the votes of the center pole in a hypothetical system might affect bypassing the popular vote by more than 15 million in favor of Berlusconi.
Now I know: a vote of PD is more valuable because we are all alike ... PD but more equal for everyone!

Maxine Cartoons On Birthdays

MARCHIONNE MOTION AND ONE AND A HALF

Lorenzo Mortara

This text has already appeared in two other sites ( Utopia and red Under the banners of Marxism ) here has been expanded, revised and corrected. It may be interesting to go back to the origins of the clash-Fiom Marchionne, to better address the evolving situation after the referendum on Mirafiori.



The exchange of letters between Marchionne and the workers enjoy complete slaughter of Fiom delegates. The answer top of the highest trade union is by Giorgio Cremaschi, for better or for worse our best leader. I agree with the substance of his article except for the initial assumption: there is no Fiat to fascism, but only the most authentic face of capitalism. And you have to beat him. That's it. Sure, bring it down would be better, but in situations where we are today, is a crucial first clear victory after years of defeats. Fiat to all the premises are: the flop of the plebiscite referendum Pomigliano, repression Melfi and Mirafiori and strikes in response to the workers. Anyone who has even the faintest idea what it is Fiat's that kind of lager, he knows that spontaneous strikes are not easy to organize. When you are out alone means that the degree of consciousness and militancy of workers is relatively high. In fact that's it, see if the problem is on the upper floors of the Fiom will be able to receive and retransmit the signal, multiplied, in the whole industry decisive metalworkers. For now, and could not be otherwise, we record the delay of our leaders on the fighting spirit of workers. Landini wishes to defend the strike and the disease, opening the doors to the grueling rounds (1). must have confused the right to mutual in isolated case disease, with the duty of illness during naturally. Similarly, since the smile is taking a stand in favor of the right to strike. The only way to defend the right to strike is to do it as soon as someone dares to question it. Landini wishes to defend the right to strike from the top of a bureaucracy that the years reserve duty not to proclaim it almost never. Fiom barricadiera all here. Not to mention the top leaders of the CGIL. Epifani calls Confindustria to retrace his steps and to withdraw the dismissals because he fears the risk of radicalization. Who is at risk, forgot to add, are the masters, in fact we have only to gain from the radicalization rights momentous as the Workers' Statute so on. Radicalization means mobilization, and Epifani and Motion 1 represented by him are nothing more than part of CGIL opposed to any mobilization. Then the normal position Epifani. Motion 2 is the then Fiom in mind, that still does not dissolve the moorings and lingers in sterile complaints. Being a conglomeration of people serious about fighting for their rights mixed with many other trovatesi inside to case the Motion 2 can not think that the paralysis of internal contradictions of Fiom. The Motion 2 be renamed by its real name: Motion one and a half! (2) Part of the Fiom
merely to whine like a little girl in front of the repression of its delegates. It is up to more conscious, stand before them, helping them to improve. Four dismissals are a good sign, it means that delegates Fiom are moving quite well. Who is not licensed, which should explain what a delegate is. It is no disgrace to be still in place, but certainly as a union delegate who has never Rogne with the owner, sooner or later have explain to workers who offers his services. It will not be easy to convince the workers of his good faith.
The most active part of Fiom is not there to cry on, do restore as soon as our heroic soldiers, meanwhile put them in the service of its structure because affilino their critical spirit. The hysterical tears are left, at most, supporters of the First Motion! They will be perfect, amongst others, for their eyes crocodile.
Marchionne's letter, if compared to the responses of workers, is emblematic: the consciousness of the owners is still vastly superior to ours. If our senior management will not help the delegates to fill the gap, will never be the height of the battle. And without the height of the bosses, there ever higher above the wage slavery. That
Marchionne, is the usual letter from 1800 written all masters. It is bourgeois ideology at its purest. If the ideologies were really finished, would have ended theirs too. And if it is alive and kicking them, it means that we is not dead, just dormant, buried in the rubble of countless defeats in recent years. At the first major victory outside will return stronger and heavier than before.
addition to the usual platitudes summarized in "we are all one big family," Marchionne says that "there are alternative. " In fact it is just that: there are no alternative but for the bosses, not workers. The alternative for the workers themselves. This alternative will materialize soon agree to fight without compromise, to the end against Marchionne. "The rules of international competition - writes the old idol of so many bureaucrats - we have not chosen us and none of us has the ability to change, even if we do not like . Not bad for being the newest among the great men of the country pumped! All the greatest men in history, from the Alps to Sicily as well as from the Andes to the Urals, have done anything to be able to change even a comma of the world, he is the first that seeks to enter the legend of the monkey left stationary and motionless in the image and likeness of that which has the petrified jungle in the head! It is therefore clear that those are only Marchionne delusions of grandeur, because in practice, behind the sweater, there's just another beast safari zoo entrance forever be fair, the first letter of admission, in human dustbin of history.
Fortunately, only Marchionne and his ilk have no possibility to change the rules of a competition without rules, because even if they pretend to not love them, really love them as the most ridiculous fetishes. When Marchionne said nobody can change the rules of the market, no landlord will only . And no owner can change the rules, because each of them wants to ruthlessly exploit the workers. In fact, behind the impersonal nature of the market that Marchionne wants independent, objective and absolute, there is only the collective will of class, the interests of all owners. Because if they wanted, they would prohibit anyone to agree to raise wages and rights on an international scale. If they do not because it is impossible, but because it is not wanting to. And God forbid that the owners also wanted to change the rules of a game that is rigged to win always and only them. They are the workers and only them that can and must change. Indeed, to be more precise, not only have to change them, but just remove them from circulation and replacing them with an exceptional socialism. Difficult task for the workers, the rest if it were easy it would be similar in all respects to those that are imposed Marchionne, but what is difficult is not impossible if you do not make more illusions in front of the advertising literature of the managing directors to liquidate Fiat. The letter of the delegates of the Fiom, unfortunately, illusions, it is still a lot. It is an illusion believe that an industrial policy in Italy is missing from the '60s. Another industrial policy does not exist, nor will ever exist. For owners, a good industrial policy is one that produces good profits. Just look how many have made over the last twenty years to realize that their industrial policy is not only good but excellent. And that's why they be not competitive enough. To them, cut the first goal of the competition do not give a tube if it does not bring profits. High or low it is, the competition does not undermine the wages of a factory able to stay on the market like that of Melfi. The wage rate, however, depends on the profit. The higher the wage, the more it changes profitto e viceversa. Ecco perché Marchionne vuol schiacciare il più possibile il salario. Schiacciare il salario è la migliore delle politiche padronali e bisogna prenderne atto. Altre politiche sono un’eccezione che confermano le normali politiche di tutti i Marchionne del mondo.
Quello che manca, ad essere generosi dagli anni ’80, è una politica sindacale. Ma la politica sindacale, in assenza di un partito, è la politica stessa per quanto monca della classe operaia. Ai tempi belli ma tristi dei 35 giorni alla Fiat, qualche anima audace propose, inascoltato, la riduzione dell’orario di lavoro. Sono passati 30 anni da quella sconfitta, 30 anni di ritardo della classe operaia sulla necessità impellente dell’accorciamento the working day. And the reduction, in brief, is the policy of the working class. To Fiat in 2010 there are new conditions to try to put it into practice. Missing only a little effort. Just Fiom delegates, for a bit 'of invisible ink, do not submit themselves to the thought-Marchionne. Marchionne is the propaganda penetrated far into their heads, no doubt the best we have, to make him write that "it is not in opposition workers and entrepreneurs." In fact, it is precisely in opposition workers and contractors. It is they, the delegates of the Fiom, which have a great responsibility to do so. Serious mistake would be not sobbarcarsela. When
Marchionne write the letters they write, do not ever turn to the workers, but to themselves, other shareholders and the cynicism that keeps them all united against the workers. The CEO, has virtually written a love letter to his wallet.
Similarly, the response of the delegates Fiom be aimed at workers, not to Marchionne. It is he who should be invited among the workers. Where there is also a mirror to tell her tales. They are the delegates who should be among the workers to rally with them in the tough fight against him. When Marchionne declared war, in fact, do not try even one thousand loopholes to avoid it, but try a good times to win. The entire working class expects a big win for over thirty years. Workers at Fiat have a great chance to try them quell'ebrezza lost. The delegates of the Fiom not wasteful with other useless chatter. Courage, then , audacity, boldness and daring yet ...!
And we, young delegates from the province? We simply can not do anything to help delegates metropolitan? Normally there are major industrial centers in the suburbs lugging less important. This does not mean we should just stay with our arms folded, waiting to move to Fiat. Indeed, our first move "Canton", before the great industrial centers, lightened by the inertia of the province, the rocket will accelerate throughout the Italian class struggle to the finish line of the first great victory of the new millennium.


Lorenzo Mortara
Representative Fiom-CGIL
Rete28Aprile

Vercelli, July 18, 2010 ________________________________________________________________


NOTES

1) See The Republic of Friday, July 2, 2010


2) I must the paternity of the expression to the genius of Roberto Massari. I could not resist and I immediately made my own, so I find it fitting. I hope Note that this is sufficient to settle the debt with the publisher partner.

Husband Breast Feedind Allowed?

WHO'S AFRAID OF THE REVOLUTION IN LIBYA?

; Dario Salvetti



"The unrest in the Middle East should not culminate in revolutionary regimes.
Their idealistic romanticism of the motions can be replaced by a Robespierre or a Lenin "
Barak, Israeli Defence Minister


According to the vulgate Marxism is accused of having too much faith in human nature. E 'accusation that we reject cordially. We strive to consider the human being in its materiality: it led to the preservation or progress by the same social conditions in which it develops its own consciousness.
But, yes, one thing is true. Marxists believe firmly that these social conditions may change rapidly inertia, accumulated over decades or even centuries, in motion. We believe this process may be rare occasions so strong as to generate sudden changes in the consciousness of individuals, relations between classes, deleting a few days in states and regimes. These moments are rare, but only in the sense that often require a long incubation for their own development.
are revolutions, the real motor of history. The revolutions are to Marxism as an eruption is to volcanology, earthquake, the theory of plate tectonics. A volcanologist never ceases to classify a volcano erupts because for centuries, a seismologist records the small shock preparing massive earthquakes. So we are revolutionaries, including how to prepare the moments of inertia of the contradictions that lead to an explosion revolutionary. The North Africa that we know so far is no more. It was not changed by any force except the mere intervention of the masses onto the political scene. Those same masses, raw, unorganized, unaware, are now under the deepest on earth. And, yes, all this confirms that revolutionary politics is the most real thing there is in the world. But
witnessing a strange distortion. Another distortion that we do not know how to classify daughter of defeats and preparation of new defeats. For those who are accustomed to conceive the spirit of communism as a pure system, as the word of the omniscient leader, such as degree of a decorated general or as a system held standing by a powerful intelligence apparatus, the masses are simply incapable of autonomy, their conscience, their own courage and even its own capacity building. The distortion lies in this nominally communist currents of thought can not even recognize a revolution. The story is not moved by the mass movement, but by the conspiracy of powerful equipment. If a nation wakes up, someone must have conspired for this to happen. If a state structure collapses, it must be for the plot of another state apparatus.
This explains what happens then to Libya. Nevertheless, he ceases to be explained any revolutionary process, whose characteristic is precisely that to destroy the existing power without possessing any weapon that is not the initial mobilization of the masses.
If we consider that every reactionary power is inconsistent with other powers as reactionary, the revolution can still appear as a party game. The Revolution of 1905 weakened Russia, contributing to his defeat against Japan. The revolution of February 1917 gave power to a government led by a tsarist prince. And after the revolution of October 1917 did not favor the Central Powers, Austria and Germany, freeing them from a war front? For years, nationalist vulgate has presented the whole Russian revolution as a conspiracy of the German Kaiser, Lenin sent specifically to unleash the collapse of the enemy. The paradox is this: States that are not strong enough to defeat their opponents, they become all-powerful remote control to the point where millions of people, the preferred trigger a revolution rather than win a war.
We do not deny that imperialism has in his arms, propaganda, or that this propaganda in some cases may include the development of fake parties, movements and even political protests. It 's the case of movement of opposition to Chavez in 2002 or the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. But the consistency of these movements speaks for itself. The anti-Chavista clowns would not have withstood a barrage of farts, let alone to the aviation regular. The courage and the hysteria of imperialism-directed movements is proportional to the network of money, underworld gangs, mass-media hype that surrounds them. Without these elements, just melt in the sun. Such movements have always only one rule: the mass must remain passive even when it appears in mobilization. It must be seen quickly with media hype and then disappear into nothingness, leaving the field to the specialists of the coup. If inter alia, a whole population was willing to mobilize themselves to death against a company or a government, would in any case to explain how this society has allowed this development.

E 'this is what we see in Libya?

; The state disintegrates

This article does not claim the last hour. As we write the clash in the streets of Tripoli. The scheme Gaddafi has not yet fallen, but little or nothing could save him. Gaddafi has a greater degree of independence from imperialism. Without a doubt. But this is far from making the situation more manageable for imperialism itself, has made it more complicated.
The U.S. has long plotted to remove Mubarak. Wikileaks documents to prove it. But they did not prepare for a revolution, but to prevent it. After a series of vacillations have not asked Mubarak to go to radicalize the revolution itself. With Gaddafi this was not possible. The economic interests of the clique Gaddafi are closely connected to the control of political power in Libya, the ability to use this power to bargain agreements or oil migration.
This explains the ferocity with which the regime has decided to resist. And he had to do based on two elements typical of those who have no support among the population: Aviation and the use of mercenaries. The bombing is typical of those who can not fight his enemy on the ground. It 'actually more appropriate weapon to a foreign army of occupation. The rest are foreign mercenaries in the "patriot" Gaddafi is serving. It would come only 4 thousand on February 15. Aviation and mercenaries have one thing in common: for logistical reasons or language do not enter into line with the crowd. I am therefore the last repressive areas on which to build.
Imperialism understand what this means: under the blows of this senseless resistance, Gaddafi is not favoring the defense of the State but on the contrary it is accelerating the disintegration. The U.S. and Europe are interested in removing Gadhafi, but want a state apparatus to lean on. That is why such a hurry to condemn, in trying to forge ties with some of the insurgents in the immediate area.
But for the moment the state apparatus is in full decay. It is at the top, where the mutiny is even close circle around leader Gaddafi: Tuesday would be dissociated from Gaddafi also the Minister of the Interior.
This is especially in the liberated areas. There is almost a law. The more areas of Stato tardano a differenziarsi da un regime e a rimuoverne il vertice con una riforma o una congiura di palazzo, tanto più un movimento popolare tende a identificare il regime con lo Stato e rimuovendo uno, fa piazza pulita anche del secondo. Così si può dire che rivoluzione e semplice cambio di regime sono spesso due processi paralleli in cui uno cerca di battere l'altro sul tempo.
Tutti gli organi di informazione descrivono le zone dove il regime è crollato come prive di Stato. L'ordine è garantito da comitati rivoluzionari, le armi sono in mani ai civili che le usano al servizio delle decisioni collettive di tali comitati. Il Sole 24 Ore di oggi – venerdì 25 febbraio – descrive così Bengasi: “i comitati popolari who have taken on the administration of different areas of the center, unable to maintain order and security. Several soldiers and police passed by the insurgents. (...) At the gates of the city you come across in the first military checkpoint. We send two leaflets: 'Dear Muslim brothers, shooting in the air scares women, elderly and children and it's dangerous'. The document warns of the consequences of the misuse of small arms and heavy in the hands of inexperienced young people, should hand over their weapons to the committees of the revolution and he concludes that to save the ammunition to counter any attack. 'We expect it but we are ready' concludes that a lawyer, still dressed in his robes, some days it is impromptu traffic cop. "

; Gaddafi anti-imperialist?

What reason would the imperialists to start a similar process? Gaddafi was not - we already said - one of their puppet. Forced them to pay duty for doing business in Libya. But these deals were made and handsomely than ever before. Since 2003 Libya has signed more than ever its ties with imperialism, with plans to privatize 360 \u200b\u200bstate companies. In 2006, Libya has asked to join the World Trade Organization. The penetration of foreign capital has accelerated rapidly over the past two years now and never needed the stability of the regime to deepen. The recent agreements between Italy and Gaddafi, inaugurated by the center and made known to the general public from folk Berlusconi, I'm just a demonstration.
GDP depends on Libyan oil production by 60%. International economic advisers had begun to invade Libya to develop other sectors of the economy. In particular, tourism had great growth potential. Economic relations were reciprocal and mutual. The Gaddafi family presented itself as the intermediary for the robbery of their country by imperialism and to invest the money "committee" in the same Western companies. Such a process is clearly visible in Italy because, for once, our imperialism was well placed at the banquet. According to the Marcegaglia, the Italian capital exports to Libya for 2 and a half billion and imports to € 10 billion. Italy depends on oil for 24% and 12% by gas from Libya. Impregilo is committed contracts for over € 1 billion in infrastructure construction in Libya and Federmeccanica says that 1% of the sector depends on Libya. In turn, the Gaddafi family through the investment fund Lia (Libyan Investment Authority) owns the 2% stake in Finmeccanica, 14% of company-Retelit Telecom Italy -, 7.5% of Juventus and as much as 21% Olcese. It is estimated that only thirty-sixth of the investments made in Libya would be carried out. For capital, the Gaddafi regime was a certainty without danger.
Yet the Libyan regime remains a confusing and anti-imperialist revolutionary phraseology in which Gaddafi has not renounced even in those days. But this, far from explaining the nature of this current regime, explains its origins. According to legend, the young colonel of aviation, Gaddafi was responsible for accompanying flight of Libyan dignitaries at a reception of an oil company in the desert. Upon receipt would be impressed by the glitz and the servility of Libyan officials, deciding to carry out a coup. So between August 31 and September 1, 1969 deposes King Idris. The new scheme is inspired by the progressive pan-Arabism of Nasser and proceed immediately to the nationalization of oil resources, forcing over the years all the big companies to renegotiation on the basis of new balance of power their penetration in the country.
regimes such as Gaddafi meet in maniera distorta ad una legge storica. Nei paesi capitalisticamente meno sviluppati, lo sviluppo economico nazionale può essere assicurato solo nella lotta contro l'imperialismo. Ma quest'ultimo non è nient'altro che il mercato capitalista nella sua fase suprema di sviluppo. Ecco perché non vi può essere alcuna lotta contro l'imperialismo che non tocchi i meccanismi stessi del mercato. Ecco perché una rivoluzione anti-coloniale o anti-imperialista può vincere solo se si trasforma senza soluzione di continuità, in modo permanente, in una rivoluzione di natura socialista.
Gheddafi non è l'interprete cosciente di questo processo, ma ne è l'espressione distorta. E' il prezzo da pagare perchè la rivoluzione coloniale has not been carried out by communist forces classically. But if Gaddafi is only a distortion of historical law, this law may not escape. Today, his regime does not collapse because too against imperialism, but because it too closely. The increased penetration of international capital has made it more dependent on the Libya crisis of international capital.
There are several paradoxical argument between those who argue that the U.S. would prepare a table revolution: the riots were caused by inflation erupted as a result of the printing of paper money made by the Federal Reserve to jump-start the economy. It 's true, but far from demonstrating the existence of a deliberate plan, shows that the imperial wizard has lost control of the forces it generates. Any remedy to the crisis it prepares another.
We therefore faced with the preparation of a military intervention? Several commentators say. We are not in the minds of strategists American or European, but a war or military occupation of Libya would be madness, even from the standpoint of imperialism. First, even the U.S. has the strength or human resources to support it. Spend $ 7 billion a month just for their presence in Iraq and Afghanistan. But above all the landing of a single department of American soldiers radicalize the revolution throughout northern Africa. It is much more likely that there is an attempt to penetrate more focused, disguised as police operations, defense of the foreign factories or humanitarian missions to bring food or medication. That said, the Communists will be at the forefront of opposition to any imperialist intervention in Libya, Tunisia, Egypt and in any other country in the Arab world.
intervention of NATO, however, initially sought to suppress the insurgency in Benghazi in all other cities that have turned against Gaddafi, to restore the capitalist order.

, E next?

All major bourgeois commentators denounced the possibility that in the aftermath of the Libyan regime remains Islamic fundamentalism and the disintegration of state of Libya.
sociologist Khaled Allam, a former member of the Democratic Party and now the smell of the Third Pole, with several appearances in Libero and Il Giornale, thunders from the columns of the Sole 24 Ore: "The tribal and ethnic fragmentation can lead to secession and promote infiltration Al-Qaeda. " Curiously, it is also what is said Gaddafi. The newspaper of the Confederation is concerned that the new advances in the Arab countries that it can resonate with the old: the age-old schism between Sunni and Shia Islam.
We do not deny absolutely that perspective. Just say this: in the mouth of the bourgeoisie, but these concerns are not threats. The bourgeoisie played a double role here. With one hand, the alarm sounds and the other is ready to start the fire. The territorial disintegration, with the splitting of Tripolitania from Cyrenaica, tribal or religious fanaticism are the exact cards that imperialism will play to divert the revolution from its social basis. These scenarios do not emerge as legitimate children of the revolution, but as a product of his defeat. In several
left these days shaking the risk of a 1979 Iranian model: a social revolution and hijacked hijacked by a monstrous theocratic regime. We note in passing the enabling logic circuit. The same groups who support the Stalinist regime in Iran in the name of his anti-imperialist role, Libya denounced the risk of a new 1979. What happened in 1979 was not the natural flow of that revolution, but the result of mistakes of the Communist Party of Iran during the revolution itself. In the name of the theory of two stages of the anti-imperialist unity, the party formed an alliance and paved the way for fundamentalist forces. Today
these revolutions are further clean sweep of those theories. The revolution in Tunisia game has not been reflected in a strengthening of Qaddafi or the government of Iran, but in their weakness. These regimes tremble before the revolution on a par with American puppets in Saudi Arabia or Bahrain. And that speaks longer than any treaty of geopolitics. And Israel? Should not rejoice to see the Arab League shaken by convulsions similar? Israel is afraid as much as the Saudi monarchy. It tries to exorcise fear, shouting at the Iranian threat. And Iran through the Suez Canal with their military vessels. But both countries are simply trying to return to their normal, diverting attention from the social side to the military.
Recognizing the revolution for what it is we do not need to win a theoretical dispute, but to strike up an action and a practical perspective. All the world forces you cast on the Libyan revolution to push it on a path rather than another. It would be paradoxical if the Communists did not do likewise. After the political liberation movements in North Africa will begin to address the problem of social liberation. Those who have questioned his life he did not to return to neighborhoods with 70% unemployment, lack of schools and universities, with salaries that reach $ 400 a month for an engineer. The revolution will permanently from the struggle against the old regime, than against imperialism and against their own ruling class.
In Tunisia and Egypt these developments certainly appear more classic and obvious in Libya. We do not know if these revolutions will win. The midwife can not provide the analysis of the child during birth, much less assume its future work or school. It is primarily concerned with encouraging childbirth

February 25, 2011
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THE REAL CAUSE OF RIOTS IN NORTH AFRICA
  di Domenico Moro

Le rivolte che, partite dalla Tunisia, si sono estese in tutto il Nord Africa sono state spiegate dai media nostrani, secondo l’ideologia democratica occidentale, come rivolte contro il dispotismo. Tale categoria, però, non spiega perché “despoti” al potere da quaranta anni siano stati messi fuori gioco in poco tempo, né la diffusione rapidissima del contagio in un’area molto vasta. Le cause di quanto sta avvenendo sono senza dubbio molteplici e complesse, ma certamente vi giocano un ruolo importante il modo in cui sono state gestite la crisi mondiale e la globalizzazione.
Il centro del sistema capitalistico mondiale, gli Usa, ha scelto to resolve the crisis, whose epicenter was in 2007, keeping interest rates near zero on the money and proceed with the placing of a huge mass of money into the economy through the so-called "quantitative easing . This involves the purchase of Treasury bonds by 600 billion dollars by the U.S. central bank, which has been added to extend for 800 billion dollars, the tax cuts Bush era. In this way the state raised the U.S. GDP (in the 4th quarter of 2010 to 3.2%) and profits of enterprises (+35%) and grants, especially on Wall Street, which closed on the rise for nine weeks in a row since '95. [1] It is, however, as happened following the 2001 crisis, a growth junkie that does not solve the crisis, even the serious, increasing the huge public debt, and without altering the high unemployment (10%). [2]

The quantitative easing not solve the crisis but also extends to other countries, the U.S. being the center of the international financial system. The most important effect of the operation of government Obama is the global spread of inflation. In fact, the huge liquidity created by its usage in speculative trading activities, which provide higher profits, rather than in productive activity. In fact, manufacturers in the U.S. has not even remotely addressed the over-strong at the base of the outbreak of the crisis and, moreover, the U.S. is becoming less important. The excess liquidity has been so directed toward the speculative market of futures contracts on raw materials, which have been carefully avoided the regulatory promise at the time of the outbreak of the crisis. Speculation in futures contracts , as occurred in 2008, triggered an exponential increase of all raw materials, of which many, especially those of cereals, have their own world trade center the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, which is the stronghold of U.S. finance and the stock exchange where most options and futures .

Between January 2010 and January 2011, energy commodities have increased by 20.4%, 28.3% metals, and food raw materials by 32%. The biggest increases were recorded from wheat (62%) and wheat (58.7%). [3] In particular, the market prices of wheat rose from $ 177.5 per tonne in Q2 2010 to $ 326 in January 2011. [4] While it is true that the corn market has been affected by bad weather and poor harvests in some exporting countries, come Russia e Australia, è però altrettanto vero che la volatilità dei mercati è la condizione migliore per chi specula con i futures . Del resto, persino il caffè, che non c’entra nulla con l’Australia e la Russia, è cresciuto ai massimi da tredici anni.

L’aumento delle materie prime alimentari ha avuto un impatto maggiore nei paesi più poveri, dove una quota molto maggiore del reddito viene spesa in alimenti. Mentre in Italia la spesa alimentare ammonta al 17,5% dei consumi, in Egitto raggiunge il 48,1%. L’impatto peggiore si è avuto proprio in Nord Africa, perché è l’area più lontana dall’autosufficienza alimentare and the largest importer of wheat worldwide (21.4 million tonnes), followed by the Middle East (18.72 tons). In particular, Egypt, to which Russia recently cut supplies, is the world's largest importer, and Algeria, before being converted to energy monoproduzione was a net exporter of cereals, the second one. [5] Therefore, in these areas the food prices have increased dramatically (by 20% in Algeria).

The increase in food prices was, however, the trigger that ignited an already volatile situation. In this regard, we must ask ourselves a question: why riots occur in North Africa, which, according to the OECD, has recorded in recent years one of the highest growth rates in the world? Just as Egypt, for example, grew by 5.4% in 2010. The real problem in these countries is the lack of development, but the development model that has emerged. That of North Africa is an economic boom without spreading the wealth. In Algeria, for example, there is poverty and unemployment, although the country is floating on enormous reserves of oil and especially gas, and the State, thanks to exports, holds some 150 billion of reserves. Although foreign investment in production and natural resources held in these countries, the social gap has increased, because the development was based on low wages and lack of rights for workers, while the rich, for example in Egypt, have been checked with a maximum rate of 20% on the positive, a tax haven taxation. Relocations West and globalization of the world market, thus benefiting only the companies and foreign banks and restricted local elites. The function of the latter was to ensure that Western capitals, especially the French, Italians and British, convenient use and access to the exploitation of raw materials. Just the contradiction between development and the reality of poverty has created fertile ground for the uprising, which took contenuti sociali ed economici molto evidenti.

In definitiva, negli ultimi anni si è verificato uno sviluppo dipendente, subalterno a quegli stessi Paesi occidentali che oggi parlano ipocritamente di democrazia e che condannano la violenza di “despoti” fino a ieri appoggiati in tutti i modi e considerati controparti affidabili. La debolezza e la repentina caduta di queste élite è dovuta proprio al fatto di essere pressoché semplici intermediari degli interessi esteri. In qualche caso, saliti al potere con il concorso decisivo dei servizi segreti europei, come Ben Alì in Tunisia grazie ai servizi italiani. Se “a parte le forze armate lo stato egiziano ha fondamenta fragili come la sabbia” [6], is due to the nature of the Egyptian state employee. If the armed forces, the core of all state authority in Egypt are the only power left is because they are closely linked to the outside of the country, particularly the U.S., which have funded for thirty years with 40 billion. [7] no coincidence that the Egyptian chief of staff, resigned after Mubarak agreed with the U.S., pledged "to respect all international and regional treaties," not even dream of eliminating the emergency law in force for 30 years. [8] Other than democracy. Moreover, there have been many Western and European leaders to express the view that gli egiziani non siano ancora pronti per la democrazia.

Oggi, il tentativo occidentale in Nord Africa e soprattutto in Egitto è quello di gestire i sommovimenti in corso dandogli uno sbocco che, proprio attraverso l’esercito, garantisca un trapasso indolore per gli interessi della Ue e degli Usa. Questi ultimi, poi, possono far valere come leva egemonica sui Paesi dell’area, oltre alla loro potenza militare, il loro ruolo di principale esportatore mondiale di cereali. In particolare, nel 2010 l’Egitto è stato la quinta destinazione dell’export Usa di grano e la quarta di frumento, rispettivamente con incrementi del 129% e del 59% rispetto al 2009. [9] In questa fase, con molta probabilità, da parte degli Usa c’è anche la volontà di sfruttare la situazione per ridefinire gli equilibri nell’area mediterranea, riaffermando un ruolo egemonico appannatosi negli ultimi anni.

Il principale nemico dei popoli arabi e nord-africani è chi sta dietro i “despoti”, ovvero quello che possiamo chiamare neoimperialismo, che non si basa sul controllo diretto del territorio, come il vecchio imperialismo colonialista. L’imperialismo odierno si fonda sul controllo per procura dell’economia e delle materie prime e scarica, attraverso i mercati finanziari, le sue contraddizioni, la crisi in primo luogo, sui paesi periferici. Il punto, dunque, non è la rivendicazione di una democrazia astratta, ma la rivendicazione di rapporti sociali e internazionali di tipo diverso.
________________________________________________________________
NOTE

1. Marco Valsania, “Wall street festeggia e sfora quota 12mila”, Il sole24ore, 27 gennaio 2010.

2. Morya Longo, “Alta liquidità e profitti doping di Wall Street il Dow a quota 12mila”, Il sole24ore, 30 gennaio 2010.

3. International Monetary fund, Indices of Market Prices for Non Fuel and Fuel Commodities, 2007-2010. http://www.imf.org/external/np/res/commod/Table2-020911.pdf

4. International Monetary Fund, Actual market prices for Non Fuel and Fuel Commodities, 2007-2010. http://www.imf.org/external/np/res/commod/Table3-020911.pdf

5. United States Department of Agriculture. In Roberto Bongiorni, The threat of wheat falls to Cairo and Algiers, The Sole24Ore, January 27, 2011

6. Alberto Negri, "A wave of strikes paralyzed Egypt for wages and work," The Sole24Ore, February 15, 2011.
7. Alberto Negri, Army judge the new course, The Sole24Ore, February 2, 2011.

8. Alberto Negri, The Egyptian army reassures the world that the treaties, the Sole24Ore, February 2, 2011.

9. United States Department of Agriculture. Top 10 U.S. export market for wheat, corn, soybeans and cotton by volume. www.ers.usda.gov./Data/Fatus/

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